Category Archives: Politics

Morality and its Shadow

The funny thing about “political correctness” is that those that would criticize it do so under the banner of political correctness. Morality is a bit like the Tar-Baby. The more we try to “neutralize” ourselves from it, the more we fall prey to our own ‘bad faith’. From Lorenzo’s argument, we can certainly see the hypocrisy of a double standard with regard to Christianity and Islam. However, how real is the double standard for progressives? Certainly, I have no doubt there are progressives that fall under Lorenzo’s snare but how much of that is a stereotype habitually repeated by the right and how much can empirically be proven true of a majority of progressives? I did not see any reputable polls in the essay but there may be some in his source material. I do not know if I would qualify as ‘progressive’ since I am left of liberal but the Lorenzo box would not apply to me as I acknowledge the logic of his argument and agree that it certainly demonstrates the ‘bad faith’ of morality. Surely, we can suggest that the set of all “moral mascots” is not equivalent to the set of all progressives as that would be the apodictic example of the fallacy of equivocation. So I suppose we must content ourselves with suggesting that some unknown amount of progressives certainly fall under his indictment.

However, I would also suggest that under the guise of this kind of progressive critique there is also another political correctness, -the political correctness of conservatism. After all, painting progressives with the broad brush of hypocrisy is in the implicit interest of conservatism. It would seem that the ‘elitist’ moralists on the left are not the first on the historical stage of moral hypocrisy or perhaps at least the most dominant player in the present drama. If we take a step back from such righteous pontifications we may have to concede that Christianity has certainly had a lead role in the moral passion play and its hypocritical production. A few things come immediately to mind such as the crusades, priests and altar boys, dark age executions for heresy and witchcraft, anti-abortion (‘pro-life’), Republican Christians support of just wars like Iraq and Afghanistan and capital punishment, etc. It seems that shifting the argument to revolve around the lesser case of progressives from the greater case of historical Christianity is a conservative tactic to expunge their own predominate role in the power play of morality. However, I am willing to admit that political disposition may certainly have much to do with the sense of proportionality and number that typically lies dormant in pontificating.

The sort of Tar-Baby circularity I am highlighting really calls for a deeper look at the quagmire. One argument that can be made, Nietzsche made it elegantly, is that morality is really about power. In his view individuals and more importantly religions, politics, cultures preserve and maintain domination on the basis of the moral imperative. All despicable forms of human behavior can be dressed up with the garb of truth, morality and universality. However, the naked truth of the emperor with no cloths is that morality is used to advance and justify the unabashed use of power and domination. While I am not entirely on board with this cynical perspective of morality I certainly cannot deny the legitimacy of such an argument. Historically, we have desperately tried to authenticate our anthromorphic, myopic narcissism on the basis of the ‘eternal’, the ‘true’ and the ‘good’. I believe Foucault provides a rich empirical study for this case. When it comes to morality everyone and every culture thinks their morality is the ‘true’ morality and the ‘others’ demonstrate ‘bad faith’ morality. The logic of this power mongering morality has been proven over and over again and the only escape from contradictory cynicism appears to be neutrality. However, before I get into that I would like to cite one other avenue with regard to the topic of morality.

One way that folks try to escape the quandary of morality is to be a-moral. If we have no morality but only self-interest we can try to justify that on the basis of the best interest of every self or the morality of a-morality but that comes off as mere pretense. Why would a true a-moralist care if others take their ideology as serving the interest of morality as that would be a contradiction of terms; sort of like an atheist needing to assume the existence of God in some fashion in order to disprove it. Perhaps Nietzsche was given a pass to some extent by the mere force of his insights but his tinny sounding disciples remind me of what Nietzsche said about Christianity; there was only one Christian and he died two thousand years ago. The post-Rand era, Darwinian capitalist drum pounding may be cute and dramatic but it has certainly become cliché and over done. I suppose you could admire the pure self-aggrandizing of a Hitler, a Stalin, a Gingus Kahn, etc. but that cannot help but set up the most despicable and ‘bad faith’ form of morality, the morality of might makes right, -the butt of Nietzsche’s problem with (and admiration of) Christianity. He decried Christianity as descendent and decadent but he also credited it with the ingenious invention of eternal Hell and the inferior parishioner’s fear of reprisals for not listening to priests admonitions of how to avoid it. While he may have romanticized the nobility of the Greeks and the warrior he himself lived in a moat by the castle (as Kierkegaard criticized Hegel). Sorry, but I find the chest beating neocon to be a caricature of himself.

On the surface arguments against neutrality could bring up the fascist science of Aryan Nazism or the scientific Stalinism of communism. Ah, but the retort would be that those political sciences were not ‘true’ science. This is reminiscent of the claim that the Crusaders were not ‘true’ Christians. At all costs we must preserve the possibility for truth even if it maintains the necessity for untruth to establish it. Perhaps true science can only maintain a kind of quietism on questions of politics and social science. We could also bring up the argument that for every science there is a scientist, a human with morals and biases. Even if neutrality does offer refuge it appears to not offer refuge for living humans that still must moralize and have personal judgments or biases. As the existentialists were fully aware we must act and make judgments, even scientists. We must intervene against the unjust exercise of totalitarian perceptions, of the morality of power, and yet we can lay no claim to the absolute impartiality of our own judgments. Neutrality at best can only stifle and ignore the need for action when we are not the ones on the adverse receiving ends of the morality of power. I believe the French call the neutral justification for inaction the bourgeoisie. I am afraid that the refuge of neutrality is really only an empty abstraction for those that can afford one, those ordained by the gifts of power and morality. By this I mean that neutrality does not place us above the fray of having to act and make decisions based on our own flawed judgments and moral inconsistencies. If neutrality is used to justify inaction when faced with the need to act it is really only a pretense for conserving one’s own moral ascendency when faced with our inability to establish morality on anything other than, more ‘true’ than, ourselves. The latest cliché for moral hypocrisy may be ‘political correctness’ but its reality was perfected long before progressives came on the scene.

One caveat to this discussion on neutrality is that I do not want to reduce all neutrality to ‘bad conscious’ or bourgeois morality. I do believe that emotions may equally taint and break down the need to act based on our own moral ambivalences; clear thinking is in no way excused from our existential dilemma. The point is that we are offered no refuge from which we can gain a ‘Gods-eye’ perspective and therefore escape bad morality. I propose that instead of the one-upmanship game of establishing our morality on higher divine grounds or morally excusing ourselves from our moral selves perhaps we should look at morality as the small and individual way in which we are, -as having to make judgments, act and have unfounded and inferior opinions.

As humans we have to the possibility of learning and changing as long as we live. We cannot deny that we have morality and that we can and do use it in bad faith but we also have the possibility to learn and grow, to change. We are not utterly and always reduced to the necessity for wrong actions and hypocrisy. We must be politically correct even if we are conservatives in our uniquely conservative fashion but we do not have to universalize and absolutely justify our moral certainties. We are allowed tentative judgments. We must also recognize our clay feet and ‘bad faith’ morality without making it a virtue or ignoring it. To some extent, we are responsible for the plight of others. Each of us has to make a judgment call about where that responsibility lies. Perhaps as Levinas would have it, the other continually faces us and reminds us of our abnegation to their call of our responsibility. We may as well fess up and do what we can in the face of our own hypocrisy. Neutrality never succeeds completely as permanent oblivion is not an option in the face of human tragedy; our indolence always comes back to us in one way or another. I suppose we can justify, rationalize, divine and demon but it also requires constant effort to keep form and chaos in their perspective corners. Perhaps the best we can do is accept the burden of our morality, forge ahead in the need to act and try to listen for the still, small voice that affords us the opportunity to learn.

A Response to a Blog…

With regard to this

“The difference is that in free markets, competitive forces tend to minimize waste, fraud, and inefficiency. If you don’t minimize these things and your competitors do a better job at it, their prices will be lower and you will go out of business. No such forces exist in government (in general).”

Normally, I would like to take the time to get empirical studies on my thesis here but since I do not have the time right now I will give you my anecdotal experience. I am not an outsider when it comes to business. I have worked for many years in small, medium and large businesses as engineer, engineering manager and project manager. I helped grow U.S. Robotics from a 50 million dollar a year company to a 500 million dollar a year company in five years.I think the rhetoric of competition and the ‘free market’ is highly overblown. Yes, it does happen but not nearly as much as to justify the reality of the ‘free market’ ideal. Competition is itself an ideal that Adam Smith was keenly aware of but also (as I pointed out previously in part 1 and part 2) fully aware of the corrosive effect that ‘those that live by profit’ had on the ideal. He was also keenly aware of the danger of monopolies. I submit that monopoly is not a digital phenomenon but an analog phenomenon.With regard to competition, companies can, to a point, compete more efficiently by reducing labor cost or production cost and overhead. When a company reduces its labor costs it must stay competitive to retain the best workers so there is only so much room there before you hit a wall. Of course, if you move your labor intensive production to a cheaper labor market (i.e., overseas) you can, in theory, reduce your labor costs. However, that tends to favor more stable products and larger companies. When we were developing and producing hundreds of products a quarter (domestic and international) with ever new technologies we did not have the time to take many SKUs overseas to have them produced. We did take more stable, larger volume products overseas.As a large company no one could compete with the component costs we bargained down due to our large volumes. We also had the dibs on production companies overseas that were maxed out and chiefly catered to the big boys. Semiconductor foundries were also over booked and we were always the first in line because of our volumes. Small companies were a joke if they thought they could compete with us.If we wanted market share we bought it (i.e., Palm Computing). We bought companies for market share and almost always fired the people and wrecked the company. We were really only interesting in buying market share.We also had no problem getting and retaining the best and most talented employees.This may not be the legal definition of a monopoly but it effectively approximated a monopoly. Small companies cannot compete head on with multinational corporations. This is yet another case of the haves and the haves nots. This is not just unique to U.S. Robotics. Recent revelations about Goldman Sachs also demonstrate that large companies can play all sides of a competitive game and continually pummel the competition. To think that the ‘free market’ is an equal playing field is an ideal that is not reflected by reality. “Big” is a huge competitive advantage in every way.Bottom line: the ‘free market’ is rigged. You are kidding yourself if you believe differently.Another topic…When I stated this…

“Another topic, I have wanted to address your criticism of the scientific method as pertains to neuroscience and brain studies but have been really busy lately. Just a question – do you believe the scientific method can provide evidences based on multiple small studies from randomized testing (careful, there is quite an elaborate history behind this) or do you think only an exhaustive large scale, extended time study is credible? Do you think that polls have any credibility? I think this direction of inquiry borders on the real meat of your critical concerns…”

Your response was this…

“Regarding my criticism of the scientific method… Hopefully I have not given the wrong impression in my various posts on this topic. I am a huge fan of the scientific method and think it is basically critical thinking put into action. I have criticized not the scientific method, but rather scientists, for failing to maintain their objectivity in certain (many) cases.”

I am having a hard time reconciling this with this…

“From what I can tell from the studies, enlarged brain structure (of the two different types) are correlated with liberalism or conservatism, but again, the studies (as far as I could tell) do not tell the reverse: whether liberalism and conservatism are correlated with the two enlarged brain structure types. So my original point still holds; it could be the case that 80% of those with an enlarged amygdala are conservatives, but only 0.01% of conservatives have an enlarged amygdala. If I’ve missed something in the studies, please let me know.”

The idea is that you do not have to do a large, multi-year study to exhaustively prove that conservatives are generally going to have larger amygdalas than liberals.

The 2nd amendment as passed by the Congress states:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

As ratified by the States and authenticated by Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State:

A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed

While this is the law of the land these simple words may defend the right for the “people” or the “militia” to have arms. However, depending on how you approach the topic, the devil (as every good lawyer knows) is in the details. Most folks that are for gun control are NOT trying to take guns away completely; they are trying to “control” them. To insist that “control” is the same as abolition is to ignore the definition of these words and set up a ‘straw man’ argument. It is easy to push the control of arms to an extreme position of abolition and, in so doing, dismiss the argument as unconstitutional. Of course, this is an informal fallacy of logic and, I think, not allowable in pragmatic jurisprudence.

Additionally, while the abolition of arms is not defensible we do have laws about who can own guns. We do not allow felons or mentally ill people to own weapons. These laws have historical judicial precedence and agreement by the vast majority of the electorate. These guidelines are common sense and I do not think even Jefferson would object to them. From a minimalist reading of the second amendment these kinds of laws should not be allowed. However, they are allowed and sustained by Federal and State laws. Accordingly, if cities by democratically supported laws want to place additional regulations and controls on the right to bear arms there is no legal reason why they should be constitutionally prohibited to do so. Apart from whether or not the “militia” is the military or survivalists in Utah, a democracy has every right to interpret the 2nd amendment as they choose. An outright ban of guns may be unconstitutional but there is nothing in 2nd amendment that prohibits control and regulation of arms. It seems to me that judicial precedence would support the idea that a complete ban of guns OR a carte blanche license for anyone and everyone to own a gun has been deemed unconstitutional – as is typical, laws and justice, universals and particulars require continual maintenance to retain pertinence and viability. “Original intent” is a pipe dream, metaphysic the carries the illusion of immutability and permanence but does little to address our lived environment.

A Case for Bashing the Democrats

Here is one issue I can actually agree with Newt’s recent comments concerning President Obama apologizing for burning the Quran. I do not think we should apologize, I think we should get the hell out! Why are Democrats and Republicans for the most part not saying what Ron Paul has said – what the hell are we doing there? In this case, the Democrats are justifying a war that the Republicans started AND continuing the error they made. This is the kind of thing that gives Democrats a bad name.

JFK (a Democrat) continued the ridiculous war that Eisenhower (a Republican) started in Vietnam. As a result many folks now think that JFK started the war. Historically speaking, JFK took ownership by continuing the domino theory, Republican rhetoric of the day for a tragic war that killed 50,000 Americans and maimed many more. This certainly reinforces the communist idea that liberals only serve the interest of the bourgeoisie by diluting and dulling the narrative that conservatives weave. At least it could be said that the effect is the same – the war is adopted, taken over, justified and thus, becomes a Democratic war.

A war is no small issue – the Republicans and Democrats owe us, the American people, an apology for starting and continuing an enormous mistake and human tragedy. We cannot afford the lives or economic cost of this insanity – STOP THE WARS NOW!!! I speak of wars because we still have active troops and ‘contractors’ in Iraq with casualties. Both Iraq and Afghanistan HATE OUR GUTS. We are occupying their country. Just think if Iraq or Afghanistan invaded our country to stop the anti-Islamic hatred in this country. Would we see them as liberators or occupiers? We are doing exactly that to them – HELLO, they hate us and do not want us over there. We have way overstayed our welcome and have only aggravated the problems inherent to their countries. We cannot make them ‘little Americans’. They have a history that has nothing to do with our history. We are imperialists and colonialists. We are wrong and everyone that is continuing our error is part of the problem. If Ron Paul could handle foreign policy and President Obama domestic policy, I would vote for them.

I do like the way President Obama handled the Libyan (and covert Egyptian aid) issue. We gave assistance to NATO and the Arabs, got in and out with the good guys in Libya (and Egypt) winning. I like his restraint with the ‘Arab Spring’. I think we need to support NATO and the rest of the world when and how they resolve to intercede but unilateral or effectively unilateral actions on our part always backfires on us – we make more terrorists by far than we kill – this is not success or winning folks. I have more comments in this essay that I wrote a while back.

Oh, one more rant, I hate and have resented all along that I have to pay taxes for someone else’s political insanity. Republicans talk about paying for ‘Obama-care’ – at least ‘Obama-care’ does not senselessly, in mass, massacre innocent elderly, women, children, kill our kids, and drive our economy into debt like these two crazy wars (the cost of these wars is much higher even in purely economic terms than ‘Obama-care’ – actually, according to the CBO ‘Obama-care’ saves us 100 million dollars over 10 years). These wars will not help anyone, only prolong misery – at least ‘Obama-care’ has the hope of perhaps, actually doing some good.

Comments on the Brain Essay

With regard to Jeff’s comments:

Jeff,

Thanks for your feedback. I am glad you liked it. Sorry I took a while to respond but my software work has been getting more time consuming lately. Here are my observations about your remarks.

First, without access to the details of these studies, we really don’t know what to do with this information. For example, it could be the case that 80% of those with an enlarged amygdala are conservatives, but only 0.01% of conservatives have an enlarged amygdala. If something like this is the case, then these studies really say nothing useful at all about conservatives.

Here are the studies the original article cited (there are more studies referenced in these studies as well):

http://blog.psico.edu.uy/cibpsi/files/2011/04/brains.pdf

http://lcap.psych.ucla.edu/pdfs/amodio_natureneuroscience07.pdf

The details about the study’s methodology are discussed in the beginnings of each article. The methodology looks sound to me as it is typical for these kinds of studies. Both of the institutions are top notch for neuroscience research.

Second, Mark goes on to depict conservatism, at least in part, as being about a fear of loss of control. But at least one counterexample exists, and a very large one: conservatives (or at least fiscal ones) advocate free markets, wherein control is utterly relinquished to the whims of trillions of individual and localized decisions; but liberals and progressives tend to dislike (fear?) the messiness and chaos of free markets, preferring something more planned, controlled, and centralized.

I suppose my take on this would be:

  1. Fear and problem solving are two very different discernable behaviors. If the response to a perceived problem is highly negative and emotionally charged then it looks like fear to me. If the response to a perceived problem tries to deal with the details of the problem and offer concrete, non-emotional solutions then I would think that would indicate a different part of the brain is operational. I am not sure dislike and fear are synonyms. I can dislike an ex-girlfriend but I do not fear her. I can disagree with Republicans on many things including the ‘free market’ but the ‘free market’ does not scare or threaten me.
  2. I think paranoia is a clearer, more intense example of fear than other types of generalized fear so I will try to use that as an example. I suppose anything can become the object of paranoia. I live in Boulder and seek out liberals as I did also in academia. I have never found liberals in those situations that I would describe as ‘fearing’ the ‘free market’. I have seen intense dislike of it though. For me, the fear thing is quite evident with paranoia – like ‘they are after me’ and ‘I need to get a gun to protect myself’ and ‘prying cold, dead fingers off my gun’ and ‘the blood of patriots’ and ‘the government is controlling us’ etc.. I have hardly ever heard liberals talk in these paranoid terms about the ‘free market’. I have, with effort, found some extremely leftist sites on the web that probably would fall into that category. However, I think that magnitudes and proportions matter in all these types of discussions. I do not know the statistical general population numbers for this kind of paranoia so I can only use my anecdotal knowledge and offer the impression that I think more conservatives fall into the paranoia category than liberals.
  3. If someone is trying to protect and defend something that he or she thinks they have and that someone is trying to take away, -that is a personal threat. Conservatives seem to think that they have something or once had it and that the liberals and government is trying to take it away from them (conservatives want to conserve, keep, hold on to). It seems to me that that reaction is typically one of fear. Just listen to Glenn Beck or Rush and think of the fear latent terms they are using. They actually have older people afraid to go out of their house for the big, bad, boogie, socialist, commy, radical Islamist, Obama control of the government which he is destroying (my dad included). While Beck and Rush are making money on this, older people are really getting scared by it all. I do not think liberals are ‘afraid’ of the ‘free market’. I think they want reasonable controls and regulation to make sure the market is more fair and not so tilted to the folks that are already huge beneficiaries of a tilted market. One thing certainly is different from the conservatives I described – liberals are not trying to protect something they think they had from the ‘free market’ that someone is trying to take away from them. Control may be fear based or reason based. I try to give some control for my kids but I do not fear my kids, I love them like crazy! I think you have to look at how the control is described (its terms, adjectives, adverbs, facial expressions, etc.) to figure out the emotive import.
  4. I think that one thing about this study is that it is time and culturally sensitive. For example, if we had a communist country and a ‘conservative’ party was perceived as trying to take housing, food, health care, etc. away from those that already comfortably had it, then I think a fear type, paranoid response could be feasible. As much as conservatives want to make the ‘nanny state’ argument in this country the census data* shows that 1 out of every 2 people are living at or near the poverty line (the poverty level for 2011 was set at $22,350 (total yearly income) for a family of four). ‘Nannies’ are generally for rich people – these income levels are not the lap of luxury. There is no way a family of four can be deemed ‘comfortable’ or getting ‘nannied’ by the government with this amount of income. I have never heard these folks defending their poverty situation in rhetorical terms like the conservatives use. In the latter case the issue is taking away something that is not working and in the former case the issue seems to be taking away something they think is worth protecting (dying for as the ‘blood of patriots’ demonstrates). I am not sure these studies should be taken as always applying to each and every case of what we think of as ‘conservative’ and ‘liberal’ for all time. I guess I look at it more like a snapshot of our particular present circumstances.

Third, and with tongue partly in cheek, could it be the case that those with a larger “part of the brain that processes conflicting information” (from Wikipedia’s definition of the anterior cingulate cortex) tend to be liberal because they are better equipped to deal with the resulting cognitive dissonance?

First, I like cognitive dissonance because it motivates me to think and do research. Perhaps one way to deal with cognitive dissonance is to pretend like it does not exist but there are more productive ways to deal with it (and actually like it with practice). With regard to your article, I think there is a bit of heavy handed stereotyping going on in it. I have never met a liberal or conservative that has claimed they are always right about everything. I would think of that as some sort of pathological problem. I think there are folks on both sides that get defensive, feel like they are pinned into a corner and lapse into a simplistic ‘well I am right and you are wrong’, lack of a defense, type argument. I also find the main premise of your article is that it obvious that Obama was wrong on everything (or most things) and the liberals ‘really’ know it and are just trying to cover it up – this is called a loaded question (or argument) because it makes unexamined conclusions at the outset. To make the claim that liberals really know Obama is awful is speculation on your part that needs further examination (not assuming it at the beginning and trying to dissect their intentions after the fact). This type of argumentative move reminds me of the anti-choice’ folks that automatically assume that pro-choice folks are ‘killing babies’, Nazis that believe in genocide, etc.. There is no middle ground for those types. They assume that you must believe that a fetus is a ‘baby’ and that any pro-choice discussion is really a defense of baby killing. This is a problem of extremism and radicalizing everyone else that does not believe in your truth. I call this type of argument the ‘pushing the middle ground to an extreme in order to refute it’ or straw man argument.

I really do think Obama has done a good job for the most part in light of what was happening when he came into office. I have written extensively on my blog using many statistics to show the progress that has been made in spite of all (including Republican naysayers) during the Obama administration including data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Treasury Department, GAO, CBO and many universities, notable market, economic, polling research organizations so I would think you would have to take that on first. I also think many people tend to forget the extremely deep hole the Bush administration left us in. One case where I personally recognize the ‘we were wrong so therefore we must pretend like we were right’ syndrome is for the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. The folks that put us over there seem to me to be unable to belly up to the bar and admit it was a mistake to go over there in the first place (except Ron Paul who is totally right on this subject!). I understand why folks feel a need to do this – all those amazing kids that were killed or maimed for life AND the huge deficit hole those wars dug for us. I saw this in the Vietnam War personally with my two older brothers whose young lives were lost in the jungle never to return and I THOUGHT we learned our lesson but I guess we must forget quickly. I also recognize that some may legitimately have thought these wars were necessary and it was a good thing we started them in which case, an examination of the facts, the supposed reasons, the benefit, the real as well as imagined results had we not started those wars, etc. would have to be investigated to arrive at any hope of a conclusion. Even still, this type of effort would not result in a ‘I was right and you were wrong’ silliness but probably more of a weighted, approximation that these facts, assumptions, conclusion seem to be more correct than their antithesis. Actually, I find that this form of cognitive dissonance that cannot settle on black and white conclusions is better to have going forward than the fantasmic black and white resolve that makes folks feel better but really only leaves them believing an easy delusion.

And finally, the point of these studies, or at least the way they’ve been reported in some cases, seems to include the implicit suggestion that liberals and progressives are smarter, more logical, less emotional thinkers than are conservatives. But interestingly, the most intelligent among us tend to lean pretty strongly libertarian. See, e.g., the results of a survey of Triple Nine Society members (who are in the 99.9th percentile for intelligence).

I did not see the results in the Triple Nine Society that are ear marks of a scientific and therefore well reasoned conclusion (statistical variance, random, double blind, etc.). Additionally, what is deemed ‘intelligence’ would have to clearly and narrowly be stated and defended in advance of even trying to make a conclusion. There were a few libertarian, conservative and liberal politicians mentioned but this is hardly a study. As a side, I will tell you a little story. When I lived in Dallas I made some Mensa friends and started going to their meetings. I was thinking about taking the test when some of them started telling me that they would give me answers and even the test I would take. Of course, this is anecdotal and perhaps not typical of Mensa but it discouraged me from going further – for me, it really just seemed like a club after that…

Oh, also, I did not think of these studies as giving any indication of intelligence. I think that was a leap on your part. I think the whole topic of intelligence is a can of worms (emotional, IQ, analytic, logical, poetic/artistic, folksy wisdom, etc.). I personally do not feel like these studies had anything to say about the intelligence of liberals or conservatives merely how they typically, in our particular present situation, handle making sense of their environment. There certainly is no claim to greater or lesser intelligence in the studies themselves…

*I highly recommend this report by the Census Bureau. It give much more detail than the usual statistics that are cited.

Santorum: The Demise of the Republican Party

In my opinion, as I have previously stated, the Republican Party is splitting. Not only is the establishment branch of the party trying to shove Mitt down the throats of the conservatives but they are vehemently trying to play down the religious issue for the base. First, let me state that as a liberal I do not think religion should be an issue at all in this election. However, as I came from the Deep South and never knew a liberal until I was in college (although I was personally liberal from birth) I spent many years in fundamentalist Christian churches. The Baptists were especially fond of preaching sermons against the ‘antichrist’ Catholic Church. Even more so, the Mormons were blasted from the pulpit in all the fundamentalist churches. They were considered apostate and Joseph Smith was deemed the embodiment of Satan and a false prophet of the latter days. Fundamentalists will not vote for a Mormon – period.

It is odd to me that President Obama, who states he is a Christian, is blasted by Christians as a radical Islamist or a as a purveyor of false theology. Generally, when someone dispenses false theology Christians do not consider them a Christian. Santorum was using code words to the faithful to send the message that Obama was not a Christian but apparently did not have the intestinal fortitude to admit it (which is supposed to be one of his string points)…oh well. I find that when Republican establishments types put the ‘religion does not matter spin’ on the Mormon religion of Mitt they are really trying to downplay the issue for the fundamentalist conservative base. The base is not taken in by this tactic. When folks like Billy Graham’s son get ‘technical’ about their explanation for Mitt and Mormonism (he stated that most Christians would not think of Mormonism as Christian but refused to state if he thought Mormons were Christians) and they also lose their ‘technical’ approach when talking about President Obama (he said that President Obama gave “free pass” to the radical Islamists when asked if President Obama was a Christian)…again, spineless code words. I have news for the establishment types, not only are liberals on to this duplicity but their fundamentalist base is demanding straight talk and bellying up to the bar on these topics. They are tired of mincing words and Santorum is giving them the straight dope (somewhat).

I do not believe Santorum will get the nomination because the establishment will ‘broker’ the convention if they have to in order to get Mitt on the ticket. In my opinion, Santorum is a zealot and he and his followers will not stand idly by and let this happen – they will run on another party’s ticket (probably the Conservative Party). This split will kill the Republican Party. When President Obama is elected again these factions will blame each other for the loss and that will be the end of the Republican Party as we know it. Democracy is not good for the Republicans. When Michael Steele opened up the primaries for partial delegate assignments he signed the death warrant for their party. I do believe that fundamentalist Christians are the epitome of hypocrite for not taking the Christianity of President Obama seriously. It boggles my mind why the focus on helping the poor is so Satanic. From what I can see, if Jesus were running for President they would vote for Santorum.

The Conservative and Liberal Brain

When conservatives beat the drum that the government is ‘controlling them’ many of us look at them the same way we would look at someone that told us the government put a radio in their head that makes them hear voices. When we hear that the secular world is controlled by Satan and evolution, climate change, environmentalism and abortion is a ‘humanistic’ war on God many of us roll our eyes and walk away. When they talk about God and guns we hope that God does not tell them to start shooting until we are out of range. While not all conservatives fit into these categories there are enough out there to make us wonder if there is more going on than meets the eye. -Look no further than neuroscience.

Studies have shown that the brain is different for conservative and liberals. The amygdala is larger in conservatives. The anterior cingulate cortex is larger in liberals. The amygdala evolved 500 million years ago. It is responsible for emotional fear responses.

The amygdala is part of the limbic system, the area of the brain associated with emotions. The amygdala is important for formation of emotional memories and learning, such as fear conditioning, as well as memory consolidation. Emotions significantly impact how we process events; when we encounter something and have a strong emotional reaction—either positive or negative—that memory is strengthened.

Persons with a larger or more active amygdala tend to have stronger emotional reactions to objects and events, and process information initially through that pathway. They would be more likely swayed towards a belief if it touched them on an emotional level.

Those with a larger amygdala are also thought to experience and express more empathy, perhaps explaining why one of the features of psychopathy is a smaller amygdala. This is not to say that someone with a smaller amygdala is a psychopath, just that they are probably less emotionally reactive or receptive.

On the other hand, while emotional sensitivity can be a good thing, too much emotionality can have negative consequences. For example, Borderline Personality Disorder, characterized by poor and uncontrollable emotion regulation, features a hyperactive amygdala. (Link)

The amygdala has many functions, including fear processing [11]. Individuals with a large amygdala are more sensitive to fear [12], which, taken together with our findings, might suggest the testable hypothesis that individuals with larger amygdala are more inclined to integrate conservative views into their belief system. Similarly, it is striking that conservatives are more sensitive to disgust [13, 14], and the insula is involved in the feeling of disgust [15]. On the other hand, our finding of an association between anterior cingulate cortex volume and political attitudes may be linked with tolerance to uncertainty. One of the functions of the anterior cingulate cortex is to monitor uncertainty [16, 17] and conflicts [18]. Thus, it is conceivable that individuals with a larger ACC have a higher capacity to tolerate uncertainty and conflicts, allowing them to accept more liberal views.(Link)

The anterior cingulate cortex only recently evolved. It is responsible for higher cognitive learning – error correction is a big function of the anterior cingulate cortex.

The ACC has a variety of functions in the brain, including error detection, conflict monitoring1, and evaluating or weighing different competing choices. It’s also very important for both emotion regulation and cognitive control (often referred to as ‘executive functioning’)—controlling the level of emotional arousal or response to an emotional event (keeping it in check), as to allow your cognitive processes to work most effectively.

When there is a flow of ambiguous information, the ACC helps to discern whether the bits of info are relevant or not, and assigns them value. People with some forms of schizophrenia, Paranoid Type, for instance, typically have a poorly functioning ACC, so they have trouble discerning relevant patterns from irrelevant ones, giving equal weight to all of them. Someone can notice lots of bizarre patterns—that alone isn’t pathological—but you need to know which ones are meaningful. The ACC helps to decide which patterns are worth investigating and which ones are just noise. If your brain assigned relevance to every detectable pattern, it would be pretty problematic. We sometimes refer to this as having paranoid delusions. You need that weeding out process to think rationally.

Mental illness aside, being able to sort out relevant patterns from irrelevant patterns logically is difficult to do when heavy emotions are involved. Imagine being under extreme emotional duress (such as having a fight with your significant other) then sitting down to analyze a set of data, or read a story and pick out the main points. It’s ridiculously hard to think logically when you’re all ramped up emotionally. This is why emotion regulation goes hand-in-hand with cognitive control and error detection.

Too much emotion gets in the way of logical thinking, and disrupts cognitive processing. This is why in times of crisis, we learn to set aside our emotions in order to problem-solve our way out of a dangerous situation. Those with the ability to maintain low emotional arousal and have high cognitive control are generally better at handling conflict in the moment, plus tend to be the least permanently affected by trauma in the long term2. They tend to be more adaptable to changing situations (or have a higher tolerance for complexity), and have what we call cognitive flexibility.(Link)

This article states:

What does this boil down to in practical terms?

In order for a person to embrace a cause or idea, it needs to be meaningful for them. Each type of person has a different way that they assign meaning and relevance to ideas. Let’s take liberals and conservatives, since we are theorizing that they are two distinct thinking styles: liberals would be more flexible and reliant on data, proof, and analytic reasoning, and conservatives are more inflexible (prefer stability), emotion-driven, and connect themselves intimately with their ideas, making those beliefs a crucial part of their identity (we see this in more high-empathy-expressing individuals). This fits in with the whole “family values” platform of the conservative party, and also why we see more religious folks that identify as conservatives, and more skeptics, agnostics, and atheists that are liberal. Religious people are more unshakable in their belief of a higher power, and non-religious people are more open to alternate explanations, i.e., don’t rely on faith alone.

So—for liberals to make a case for an idea or cause, they come armed with data, research studies, and experts. They are convinced of an idea if all the data checks out–basically they assign meaning and value to ideas that fit within the scientific method, because that’s their primary thinking style. Emotion doesn’t play as big of a role in validation. Not to say that liberals are unfeeling, but just more likely to set emotion aside when judging an idea initially, and factor it in later. Checks out scientifically = valuable. Liberals can get just as emotionally attached to an idea, but it’s usually not the primary trigger for acceptance of an idea.

Conservatives would be less likely to assign value primarily using the scientific method. Remember, their thinking style leads primarily with emotion. In order for them to find an idea valuable, it has to be meaningful for them personally. It needs to trigger empathy. Meaning, they need some kind of emotional attachment to it, such as family, or a group of individuals they are close to in some way.

Let’s state the obvious disclaimers. This neurological evidence should not be taken as categorically true of all conservatives or all liberals. This is not in any sense reductionary evidence. It is certainly feasible that some conservatives could have a larger anterior cingulate cortex and some liberals could have a larger amygdale. It is also possible that conservatives and liberals could have both brain areas smaller or larger. Additionally, the brain changes and adapts as it is used or not used. However, my interest in this topic is to try to understand conservatives. I grew up in the Deep South and did not even know a liberal until I started college; although, I was liberal from birth. I have often been disappointed in the explanations (or lack thereof) that conservatives have given me for their ideology. However, there have been some exceptions to this with public figures like David Brooks and William Buckley. I have also come across various philosophers like Nietzsche, Foucault, postmodern philosophers that could lend some ideas to conservatism. In any case, the neuroscience findings may explain certain kinds of behavior that the actual people (i.e., conservatives) cannot explain.

From “The New Unconscious”, here are some interesting studies and results:

More recent research with nonhuman animals has emphasized the amygdala’s role in emotional learning and memory. Work by Davis (1992), Kapp, Pascoe, and Bixler (1984), and LeDoux (1992) has shown that while the amygdala is not critical to express an emotional reaction to stimuli that are inherently aversive, it is critical for learned fear responses.

Ran R. Hassin;James S. Uleman;John A. Bargh. The New Unconscious (Oxford Series in Social Cognition and Social Neuroscience) (p. 62). Kindle Edition.

Investigations into the neural systems of fear conditioning have mapped the pathways for learning from stimulus input to response output. One finding that has emerged from this research is that information about the identity of a stimulus can reach the amygdala by more than one pathway. Romanski and LeDoux (1992) have shown that there are separate cortical and subcortical pathways to convey perceptual information to the amygdala. If one pathway is damaged, the other is sufficient to signal the presence of a conditioned stimulus and elicit a conditioned response. It has been suggested that these dual pathways may be adaptive (LeDoux, 1996). The amygdala responds to stimuli in the environment that represent potential threat. The amygdala then sends signals to other brain regions and the autonomic nervous system, preparing the animal to respond quickly. The subcortical pathway to the amygdala can provide only a crude estimation of the perceptual details of the stimulus, but it is very fast. The cortical pathway allows the stimulus to be fully processed, but it is somewhat slower. This crude, fast subcortical pathway may prepare the animal to respond more quickly if, when the stimulus is fully processed and identified by the cortical pathway, the threat turns out to be real.

Ran R. Hassin;James S. Uleman;John A. Bargh. The New Unconscious (Oxford Series in Social Cognition and Social Neuroscience) (pp. 62-63). Kindle Edition.

Although the amygdala is critical for fear conditioning, it also plays a broader, noncritical role in other types of learning and memory. The amygdala can modulate the function of other memory systems, particularly the hippocampal memory system necessary for declarative or episodic memory. McGaugh, Introini-Collision, Cahill, Munsoo, and Liang (1992) have shown that when an animal is aroused, the storage of hippocampal-dependent memory is enhanced. This enhanced storage with arousal depends on the amygdala. The amygdala modulates storage by altering consolidation. Consolidation is a process that occurs after initial encoding by which a memory becomes more or less “set”or permanent. McGaugh (2000) has suggested that perhaps one adaptive function of this slow consolidation process is to allow the neurohormonal changes that occur with emotion to alter memory. In this way, events that elicit emotional reactions, and thus may be more important for survival, are remembered better than nonemotional events. This secondary role of modulating the consolidation of hippocampal-dependent memories with mild arousal is another way the amygdala can influence emotional memory.

Ran R. Hassin;James S. Uleman;John A. Bargh. The New Unconscious (Oxford Series in Social Cognition and Social Neuroscience) (p. 63). Kindle Edition.

This result tells me that the amygdale is the key and best suited for survival situations. Some of the latter studies in this book show that those with damage to this area of the brain can learn how to adapt to these situations using other parts of the brain. There are also studies that show that the amygdale can be employed for memory of dangerous situations by merely hearing about something dangerous. For example, if someone tells you that a certain dog may bite, your amygdale will help you remember this warning for the next time you encounter the dog. This is called ‘instructed fear’. This tells me that when conservatives hear that President Obama is a dangerous socialist they may physically take this as an emotional memory about a looming danger.

The studies also show that this whole process can be subliminal or unconscious. In fact, many of the findings in this book show that practically everything we think is conscious, including agency and control, actually take place unconsciously. Even more so, the problem that these studies are highlighting is that we really do not know why we need a conscious or what function it serves. I covered some of this material in this essay.

Here are some of my personal conclusions from this data:

Control is about the fear of loss of control. This fear drives preservation and conservatism. Conservatism does not want to relinquish what it believes it has; it wants to maintain. Its instinct is based in the need to survive so it is fundamentally emotional. However, not all threats are equal. Some perceived threats are really simply a need for change, sometimes fundamental change is required. Thus, the amygdale that is hyperactive can be illusional. It can stimulate to the point of imminent threat and paranoia. Only those that have equally overactive amygdales will ‘understand’ the need to act rashly and believe the justification for it.

For me, conservatism, especially the older conservatives, were the keepers of a critical function of society, -the need to maintain stability. Large populations have a certain kind of massive momentum that resists change. It is sort of like a gigantic cruise ship; it does not change directions very quickly. Societies need stability and ‘conservatism’ to some extent to maintain order, prevent social anxiety and prevent anarchy in the worst case. These studies also show that there are functions in the brain that moderate change. They provide damping effects on novel situations and reinforce the ‘tried and true’ for behavior. The down side of this is that sometimes as society meets new challenges a dogged insistence on the ‘tried and true’ may actually exasperate societal functions that are not working. In this case the ‘tried and true’ may no longer be tried or true (if it ever was). In the worst case, this can lead to revolution, violence and mass anarchy. This is why populations need liberals.

Liberals want to find progressive solutions to new challenges. When conservatism bogs down and gets stuck in a rut that is not working for large sections of society, liberals become the vanguard for change. This actually keeps untenable circumstances from getting out of control and finally resulting in bloody revolutions. Communists actually see this as a negative, bourgeois effect that continues to oppress mass populations; it effectively consorts with the status quo and laissez faire to oppress large populations with the ‘liberal face’ of conservatism. At some point, history has shown that the communist critique of the bourgeoisie is certainly true and both conservatives and liberals prevent needed and meaningful change. If a society adopts a ‘no right is too far right’ approach to government then the legitimate, liberal function is repressed and the tipping point for revolution is brought dangerously closer. The brain has the same pitfalls.

Especially in view of technology and its demands, no or little education is more and more an untenable life choice. Manufacturing is becoming more and more automated in wealthy countries and manual labor for tasks that are not automated make it hard for those types of manufacturers to make the profit they require to stay in wealthy countries. A brain that wants to preserve what it has will have a harder and harder time staying afloat without government assistance in this fast paced environment. This is why the problem solving functions of the brain is required for novel situations or situations that are no longer tenable.

A conservative oriented person that is doing ok is not going to want to make massive changes to help others that are in real need. The tendency in this case is for insular behavior. Folks in this situation will adopt hands off political ideologies and resist change. As long as these folks are in a majority for democratic governments they will fashion a conservative government. However, if a critical mass of adversely effected populations is exceeded the liberals will win out and the government will get more and more liberal. I believe this is where the United States finds itself.

Demographics are more and more against the conservative agenda chiefly because the disaffected minorities are getting larger than the decreasing majority that prefers conservatism. In this setting, the conservative will start to sound more and more anachronistic and irrelevant. If new strategies are not provided in this country to positively address issues like health care, immigration, poverty and discrimination the only alternative is to restrict democratic power either by law or by manipulation (i.e., money is protected by free speech). The manipulation tactic is a time limited tactic, it is temporary. It will only work as long as a mass of people’s physical situation is tolerable and conservatism informs them that conserving works better for them. However, at some point the rhetoric will not provide needed fundamentals for these populations. If conservatives then insist on conserving, the blow back will be more severe. I do not think we will reach this point until all the options for conservation have been deployed and tried and exhausted themselves.

One last point, I do not think that all liberal solutions are solutions and may actually exasperate problems. I view this as similar to the problems the space program encountered in the early days. Many ideas and proposals were tried and failed in the early days of space explorations. It was a messy process that had no guarantee of success but, as a country, the United States resolved that space exploration was not optional. When necessity drives political requirement not succeeding is not an option. The conservatives will find that they will reach a point of diminishing returns if they keep blaming liberals for ‘true’ conservatism not working. It is similar to the tinny sound non-believers hear when Christians keep telling them that the historical violence of Christianity was not ‘true’ Christianity. The ‘trueness’ of appealing to the ‘tried and true’ wears thin no matter what the excuses if it is not working. This is why issues like health care cannot be ignored forever. If conservatives cannot or will not demonstrate a viable solution, necessity will drive a novel solution and liberals will be the force behind it.

Jesus and Postmodernism

With regard to more comments from this:

Clark,

“I think it unfair to say LDS think the apostasy is due to Greek thought. Many people (including myself) think that one major problem is applying Greek absolutism to the concept of the Hebrew God. But the range of LDS views on apostasy is much more complex than it appears at first glance.”

Thanks for your comments. I found the links you cited interesting. Certainly, there appears to be a rich plurality of opinions on the apostasy spoken of in LDS circles. First, I would like to comment on some quotes from the article by Dave Banack (link):

“The simplest form of the narrative is that there was an original church from which something essential (doctrine, scripture, authority, priesthood, the Spirit) was lost.”

“Here’s the problem. Scholarship in the 20th century suggests that the original condition of Christianity in the decades following Christ’s death — the very beginning of the early church — was not any sort of essential unity but instead was radically diverse. In other words, there never was an early Christian Church, there were, at the very beginning, many different churches (and yes, I recognize that the term “church” is somewhat anachronistic in this early context, but that is sort of the point).”

“At some point you get early enough that the evidence no longer argues for an apostasy, it argues for the failure of an original church (from which the Christianity of later decades or centuries apostatized from) to ever be established or organized.”

“The Not-So-Great Apostasy”, February 8, 2012, By Dave Banack, (link)

I am in total agreement with the premise of this article. From my readings as well, there was no original early church. There were many sects oriented from Judaic to Helenistic to Roman and political to practical (in your words – “on the pragmatic side of the Atlantic”) to mystical. Even the texts whether canonical or not have lots of influences from and against these sects. The authorship of these texts also has major questions. It seems to me that reading a “proper origin” (arche), original church, is wishful thinking – or perhaps, ‘arche-thinking’ that must rely heavily on faith in divine authorship and not so much on the actual texts and archaeologies.

I think you may find this link interesting.

With regard to your belief in Hellenistic ‘absolutism’ and Hebrew and Dave Banck’s statement,

“Myth 2: The apostasy was caused by the hellenization of Christianity or the incorporation of Greek philosophy and culture into the teachings of the early church. [This happened a century too late to be a causal explanation.]”

I agree with Dave Banck’s assertion that the ‘apostasy’ cannot be attributed to this (as I think there was no original ‘church’ to be apostate from). However, I would suggest that you are correct that there was an incorporation of Hellenism into Christianity that vastly effected later history, I agree with Heidegger and Nietzsche that the Latin world misunderstood Aristotle on the issue of ‘absolutism’. Aristotle was not an ‘absolutist’. Maybe you could posit that idea from Parmenides and the Eleatic school (although that may be more problematic than at first glance). Plato and Aristotle argued against this school (The Parmenides, Physics). Heidegger’s earlier writings did accuse Plato of thinking the Idea in terms of a, what you might refer to as ‘absolute’, nous (mind, ratio – rationality) that was based on the reification of presence. However, even on this, he changed his mind later.

From my reading, I think the ‘absolutism’ of Judaism did get thought in terms of the reification of presence Heidegger refers to as “Platonism” (Neo-Platonism, Latin, Roman, early church fathers, etc.). In particular, I see this at the end of the first century (which is what I think Dave Banck alluded to) when the gospel of John and 1st, 2nd and 3rd John show up (90 to 120CE). Consider this,

“By the beginning of the Common Era, the Logos was a deeply felt and intricate part of Greek thought despite its mystical and sometimes confusing machinations. It was well established that the Logos was a divinely felt presence of God, but no philosopher could find a more practical implementation for how the Logos actually mattered to humans and their lives. The man who would provide this meaning and give personified substance to the Logos at the beginning of the Common Era was Philo.

Philo of Alexandria (30 BCE – 45 CE) introduced the concept of the Logos as an allegorical force of Yahweh. He was a Jew of the dispersion, and observed the mitzvot, yet like a lot of cosmopolitan Alexandrians of the time, worshipped the Greek gods too. Philo believed that the two worlds were not irreconciliable and the Logos was his attempt at melding Yahwism with the Greek vision of God.”

“Philo never explained clearly what his Logos was, but it often took on the form of the essence or divine nature of God. Philo’s Word was extremely popular among Jews and non-Jews alike, successfully splitting God into multiple personifications that pagan worshippers would later refine further from Bi- to Trinitarian concepts that we are familiar with today. We first see the application of the philosophy of the Logos in the prologue of the Gospel of John which begins by proclaiming Philo’s triumph:

“In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God …. The same was in the beginning with God … and the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, (and we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father [God].” (John 1:1-14)”

While I am not in so much agreement with this article’s notion of Greek thinking I think it is correct concerning the Greek influence of the writer of 1 John. The epistle argues against the Ebionites that were a more Judaic branch of Christianity. They thought that Jesus did not exist before Mary and the writer of 1 John seemed to want to use the synthesis of Philo between Hellenism and Hebrew to establish the divinity of Jesus by associating Jesus as the logos.

The conversion of logos into a Being named Jesus not only misunderstood Plato, Aristotle, Heraclitus (that first used the notion of the logos) but it also made Yahweh into Being from Hebrew thought. The misunderstanding of Logos as nous is central to Heidegger and Nietzsche (The Birth of Tragedy). Moreover, this confusion of Being with logos is essential for logocentrism and Derrida. Speech (rationality = consciousness of the speaker, presence, the secondary position of writing, etc.) is the ‘word of God’. I do not think postmodernism can be understood without thinking from (as against) this deification of presence even on this side of the Atlantic. This is not to favor mystification but to listen attentively to what is not said…cannot be said from correctness.

“Nietzsche has obviously some Mormon dislike due to his self-labeling himself as the anti-Christ. However I think among Mormon thinkers the view is much more positive. Many of Nietzsche’s criticisms of Christianity parallel a lot of Mormon criticisms of traditional Christianity (including the Greek Absolutism angle). Furth http://timesandseasons.org/index.php/2012/02/the-not-so-great-apostasy/er I think Mormon concepts of development make Nietzsche’s criticism of charity somewhat sympathetic to Mormons. Even Nietzsche’s concept of the superman has parallels to Mormon conceptions of deification. However there are some big differences. Nietzsche elevates power and the seeking after power in a way Mormons fundamentally reject. Further the existence of God in Mormon thought obviously undermines much of what Nietzsche does from a Mormon perspective. I think Nietzsche can have a positive place for Christians by helping clean away false ideas within Christianity.”

“The Antichrist” was NOT Nietzsche’s “self-labeling himself as the anti-Christ”. It is Nietzsche’s criticism of historical Christianity (“Jesus was the only true Christian”) – the slave morality inherited from Judaism and made into a fine art by orthodoxy. He found this extremely anti-Greek. He would NOT have excluded the LDS from this ‘slave morality’. The slave, the oppressed, the downtrodden, the care for the sick and the poor was everything Nietzsche detested in Christianity – it valued egalitarianism and democracy instead of ‘will to power’ and historically creating the master narrative (History is a tale told by the victors). Modern day neocons love Nietzsche for these reasons (I call them chest-beaters). I think the neocons are even more detestable than the slave morality of Christianity as they talk the talk but dare not walk the walk but that is another essay.

I understand the physical embodiment that LDS has for God but almost all scholars I can think of think that the antichrist and the Übermensch are not physical beings but refer to the death of God – the historical demise of the meta-language of presence, divinity, rationality, etc. and the ‘resurrection’ of another reading of the Greeks or ‘creation ex-nihilo’ (viz. nihilism).

For Nietzsche it was not about false ideas in Christianity but that Christianity ITSELF is false -in essence. It cannot be ‘redeemed’ by some kind of straining process between true and false ideas. It essentially sets the stage on which true and false can even happen AND it does it exhaustively from heresy and apostasy because Jesus WAS the only ‘true’ Christian. I think that homogenizing the text until it is sort of a new-age’y affirmation of LDS or pragmatic reading is a logocentric, canonical reaffirmation of the Greeks, Heidegger, Nietzsche, Derrida and postmodernism.

“As for your last paragraph I’m not entirely sure what you mean. One way to read Derrida is that we never can escape metaphysics. In this view the postmodern move really isn’t a move out of modernism but a recognition of the crisis of the modern world yet simultaneously how we are trapped within it. Thus Derrida’s various impossibilities.”

I agree that postmodernism is a reaction against modernism. First, modernism itself was a reaction against conservative realism (rationalism, Enlightenment, materialism and positivism – the violence of progression). Postmodernism was a reaction to modernism, structuralism, collectivism, positivism, realism, formalism and metaphysics. Yes, we can never ‘escape metaphysics’ but that does not mean it is a sort of Sartre-ean ‘no exit’ situation or a mere repetition of metaphysics – it is not an unqualified affirmation of metaphysics – there is an essential difference (differance – spatially defer and temporally deter) . It is very much like Heidegger suggesting that we have not yet learned to listen. If we simply listen to meta-language (as in the terms I previously used… resurrection, creation ex-nihilo, redeemed) and believe it as the history of ‘truth’ there is no need for postmodernism – just take the tradition as is. The ‘truths’ and their essential (essence-ing) falsities, heresies, apostacies, etc.) which must always accompany them in bi-polar oppositions (even if held as such in aufhebung…synthesis) have become impotent to the point of being ‘strange’ in postmodernism. Of course, you may think that postmodernism is not strange at all but only yet another affirmation of metaphysics (in whatever way you want to re-structuralize, synthesize, ‘pragma-cize’, winnow, etc.) but that is not an exercise in postmodernism it is only a pre-postmodern perspective dressed up in the words of postmodernism. What I was trying to say in the last paragraph was that you COULD do that in an ironic way and perhaps not simply ignore the text of postmodernism but to simply make postmodernism as part and parcel of analytic philosophy or LDS or whatever loses the radical trace that uncannily undoes the text in its inescapability.

I do not think Levinas is capable of being understood without understanding the setting adrift of metaphysics in postmodernism, Derrida, Heidegger, Nietzsche and the other reading of the Greeks.

“I should note I reject the label postmodernism but that’s primarily because of all the idiocy done under the term the last 30 years. (I don’t think Derrida ever accepted the label either)”

I think Derrida had the problem with the ‘deconstruction’ label.

I don’t think this changes what truth is. The way I read Derrida is with a strong realism and acceptance of truth. However truth is primarily the selection by greater powers (the Nietzschean move) yet trapped within a kind of perspectivism. But some statements and views can survive in a relatively unscathed way as one moves between contexts. (The graftings) So I think we have to be careful with irony. I reject the way someone like Rorty took Heidegger, Derrida and Dewey for instance. Interestingly Rorty’s wife was LDS – one of my philosophy professors in college actually home taught him. (Home teaching is a month visit within the Church to ensure people don’t have any problems they need help with, to fellowship them, and to give a short devotional message – I’ve always wished I could have heard some of those discussions with Rorty.

I think Derrida did not accept ‘truth’ or ‘realism’. It seems like you are searching for an analogous way of thinking about it but I am not sure the analogy holds – it seems to reverse the thought. I do not the ‘grafting’ is from one truth to another but between signifiers that simply point to other signifiers without any ‘thread of truth’.

To write means to graft. It’s the same word. The saying of the thing is restored to its being-grafted. The graft is not something that happens to the properness of the thing. There is no more any thing than there is any original text. (Derrida, 1972a: 389)

The graft is not a ‘proper’ understanding that leads to another ‘proper’ understanding of the text.

BTW – I agree that Christianity corrupted Greek thinking just as Greek thinking corrupted Christian thinking. As I discussed in my rejoinder to Bill Vallicella I think the fundamental error of traditional Christian theology was to see one and the same “object” for the questions of Greek philosophy (the absolute) and the questions of Hebrew faith (the interventionist God).

Agree. However, what do you mean by “the fundamental error of traditional Christian theology”? –Does this leave room for non-traditional theology, i.e., LDS, to see different ‘objects’ for Hellenistic and Hebrew as opposed to unpacking what is meant by ‘object’?

Postmodern Mormonism?

More comments from this

Interesting…I had no idea there was a LDS faithful, continental strain at BYU. Of course, I would have believed there were continental philosophers there but without any necessary allegiance to Mormonism as Catholic Universities like DePaul have fantastic programs in continental philosophy but from my personal experience there I knew none that thought of themselves as Catholics much less do apologetics for it.

I did read some of the links you pointed me towards. It does appear that these thinkers are comfortable with Heidegger, Derrida Levinas, etc. – I did not see anything on Nietzsche though – hmm. What would LDS philosophers think of Nietzsche – he did seem to have a lot of criticisms of Christianity and postmodernists seemed to have found him essential, Heidegger in particular…and Derrida.

This brings up another point. I also read that these LDS philosophers think of the apostate church (everyone not LDS) as rooted in the paganism of Greek thought. I certainly understand the ‘Platonism’ (Neo-Platonic) of the Latin world. However, Heidegger thought of this as a corruption of the Greeks and I agree. I am sure I need not remind you of his warnings of onto-theologizing. Any kind of other start from the Greeks would certainly not be a mere replay of the history of metaphysics. Heidegger even gave up the word ‘Being’ to make sure others knew he was not making Being, God. This lapse back into the reifying of presence (meta-language of conscious, Heidegger’s early thinking of Plato’s Ideas, substance, etc.) made the nous (ratio, reason) absolute, infinite, omniscient, omnipresent, etc. -the logos, and produced the unifying canon of violence that Derrida wrote so much about. I suppose I do not think Christians were corrupt because of Greek thinking but Greek thinking was corrupted by Christianity. I think this is the direction of Heidegger and Derrida for sure. Nietzsche went much further than this in thinking of decadency, the ignoble, the ingenious manipulation of Christian sheep by their Sheppard priests, etc. (The Antichrist, Beyond Good and Evil, Zarathustra, etc.). It seems to me the whole idea of continental postmodern thinkers is that God is dead – we have totally played out that metaphysical hand historically speaking.

Certainly, we know from Of Grammatology (and Gadamer) that writing ‘supplements’ speech by overturning and playing with it from the margins. I suppose this could give one liberty to find other readings of the text that are equally absurd (from the point of view of truth) as the canonical reading. However, if the reading once again ends up affirming logocentrism wouldn’t this iteration of the text simply ignore deconstruction altogether and simply once again affirm meta-theology? I suppose it could be done in irony with postmodernism in mind. However, I fail to see how anyone could take LDS seriously if this is the case. In any case, I found it very interesting that the discussions I read were not fatally shot done by the ‘chosen’ as would have been in fundamentalism…maybe, it is so far out they do not bother with it. Anyway, let me know if there are any postmodern, Mormon congregations in Boulder Colorado – would love to check it out.

More Comments on Derrida and Mormonism

With regard to Clark’s latest comment

“I think when one is going through the texts doing phenomenology that the phenomena ends up being the same.”

I suppose this makes me think that Derrida might think about the ‘same’ here as the im-possiblity of the ‘same’ as he does of the im-possiblity of justice. We must decide in this impossibility as if justice were possible. I suppose we must think of irreconcilables in terms of phenomena; the impossibility of a meta-language to ‘justify’ the ‘same’ and yet we must. In “The Gift of Death” Derrida writes about the “messianic without the messiah”. He calls this the secret. Apotheosis arrives as the impossible event without theosis. He thinks of death in this fashion – the gift of death is its event in the face of its impossibility. I think the almost instinctive need to think the ‘same’ as the event of meta-language is a similar ‘gift’.

I must confess I am a bit curious about you and this site…in light of what you know about the impossibility of metaphysics ( a meta-language), how do you come by Mormonism and metaphysics? I have had interesting theological discussions with Mormons but none have ever tried to think Mormonism from post-modernism…seems to me like it is a bit like a curious twilight zone episode. Is this a case of you must? If so, I wonder how your brethren respond to this approach. Is there an official church position regarding alternate philosophical approaches to Mormonism? In orthodoxy, it seems to me this would simply be deemed heresy.