Category Archives: Politics

A Response to a Post

With regard to this post

I just read this post and am in the process of reading some others with a few preliminary comments. I think you may be giving short shrift to Levinas from a more traditional Christian apologist point of view. Speaking as one with many years experience in traditional Christian denominations and un-denominational Churches I have seen an abuse of the ‘salvation’ motif as a kind of license for abuse of the other. I see this abuse in a similar light as Levinas’ critique of Heidegger’s notion of authenticity (see my latest post here for a little more on this). If salvation empowers, endows one with a special knowledge, this elevated and founded origin (arche) can make Ethics in Levinas’ sense secondary just as Heidegger’s authenticity gives short shrift to ethics.

Did Jesus ever promise that salvation eliminated personal guilt? Sure, there is the notion of substitution, Jesus taking on the sins of the world, paying the price, etc. but isn’t the promise of salvation concomitant with following in his footsteps, becoming the servant not the master, the first being last and the last being first? Wouldn’t this mean the believer should accept the free gift not as merited or earned but as an interruption of the other, the other being Jesus, while we were “yet enemies”. Why would Christians use salvation as an excuse to bash the other, condemn the other, totalize the other in Levinas’ sense. Did Jesus totalize the other or did he meet each one as unique, as personal, as worthy of unconditional love even as sinners. This type of ethos puts the other in the place of a radical alterity, an interruption of mine-ness whether it be authenticity or salvation. As long as the other is known and understood in some prior understanding, disposition, metaphysics of ontology, there can be no place for a Jesus-like attitude or an Ethics in Levinas’ sense. The violent history of Christianity, while not reducible to it, does show another option for Christians that is more akin to the heretical disposition of the Pharisees and Scribes that Jesus decried. It might also be more along the lines of Levinas’ critique of ontology, totalizing the other.

Additionally you state in protest, “for Levinas, salvation comes by stopping the flight, turning, and with open arms embracing that which pursues and condemns me”. I believe that here is where Jesus has a noble but radical philosophy, in short, yes. Remember turn the other check? Remember, walk a mile for the other that forces you to do so, give your coat to the other that takes it? Remember while we were yet enemies Jesus gave himself, sacrificed himself to the enemies? Did he protest to Pontius Pilate? Did he claim that he was God and therefore innocent? He freely gave himself to be counted as a common criminal, guilty of sin even to the point that “God made him that had no sin to be sin “. Are you suppose to turn yourself over to the persecutor? If you want to follow the radical lead of Jesus, the answer is yes. The doe turning to the hunter is not so different than the sheep being led to the slaughter, is it?

I do not want to imply an across the board equivocation to Levinas and Christianity nor do want to imply that I am a Christian but I do see some deeper confluences in Levinas and Christianity (and Kierkegaard) than the conclusions I read in this post.

Also, in response to this post:

“The Other is totally absolved of my guilt. The Other cannot be made guilty for the guilt he or she places on me. This is a form of slavery, of imperialism. If the Other were to share in my guilt, even in a relational sense, than the self knows the guilt of the Other, and this is the Same.”

In Levinas this is not a reciprocal relationship. It is not what the other places on me, it is how I efface the other. This non-reciprocity cannot be brought into to ‘light’ of mediation. It is not synchronous with my time, my worldhood. The rupture happens diachronous to me. I do not share a origin with the other. The other is anarchical. Slavery and imperialism imply a relationship. This is not what Levinas has in mind. A logic of this sort would totalize the other in Levinas.

“Levinas argues strongly that when we were first created that we already had this guilt upon us. There is a choice in the guilt, but it is not ours. The choice of guilt lies in the choice of the Other. If I could assent to the choice of guilt, that would be an acquiring, a taking over. And this, again, is to acquire the Other.”

For Levinas, it is not a matter of choice or “acquiring”. It is before your choice. Is original sin your choice? That choice is not given to you either. Likewise, in Levinas your guilt is not up to whether you accept Levinas’ philosophy or not. Even more so, when the other is mediated into an object of my choice, the other is no longer other but a moment of my reflection, a facsimile of the other that Levinas would call totalization or murder.

Levinas does not say that “that we humans are free” but that freedom is a result of effacing the other. Freedom, whether it be in the first moment of Hegel’s Logic or in some vague notion, denies the absolute alterity of the other which gives me no choice except to cover it over (e.g. history), to declare my freedom from the interruption of the other which, in Levinas, implicates me before I can answer. I am responsible to the other before my choice. I owe a debt which does not originate in me but ruptures all my originations in the face to face encounter with the other. I would also call your attention to the famous Anaximander fragment which could also be thought from this context:

Whence things have their origin,
Thence also their destruction happens,
According to necessity;
For they give to each other justice and recompense
For their injustice
In conformity with the ordinance of Time.

If infinity looks back at us in the face of the other we would expect that my attempt to retreat and cover over such absolute otherness would require my destruction, the destruction of the plastic cast I make of the face of the other as infinity breaks through in the encounter with the other, by necessity. What is required is my guilt, my original sin (the sin of arche if you will), for effacing the call of the other, the rupture of infinity. In my time, my imposed temporal synchronicity to all things, to the other, I am implicated, founded as injust, as murderous in my obliviousness to the call. This is what Levinas calls guilt.

A Few Thoughts Concerning “First Things”…

Concerning a couple posts entitled “The Conservative Road to Serfdom” and “Why Is Distributionism So Intolerable?“…

While I am not a Hegelian, it seems to me that much of the direction of these essay’s thinking is captured and re-entangled in a Hegelian dialecticism. The notion of internal and external in Hegel directs us to the problem of limit and liberty, control and choice. In this question, we hear the faint echo of Aristotle’s potentia in Latin and dunamis in Ancient Greek and actualitas from Latin and energeia from Ancient Greek. These relations are inscribed from origin (arche) within the prism and reduction of power relations. The nagging question in Distributionism is “who decides, I or other?” For Marx, the question framed by Marx is forced communism or the natural evolution and unfolding of communism from the impossibility of capitalism. Both of these ideologies want to claim legitimacy in and from the freedom of the individual, the enlightenment of the masses, one at a time. Those who emotionally react to the prospect of external, dominating power want to force these dialectics into an externalizing mode. Those who seek legitimacy, lay claim to the individualizing, progressing, choice of critical thinking and self-determination…’I willed it thus’. Where is the origin of external and internal in Hegel?

It is in the beginning, the Logic. It is in nothingness and freedom. Pure, abstract being is the horror, the Dread (in my hybrid use of terms). It can mean nothing, be nothing, do nothing. Nothing neither opposes or confirms, hopes or despairs, moves or un-moves. It is antithetical to life. Pure being imprisons in absolute hermetic emptiness. Freedom finds its ‘infinite’ domain or realm not as a movement to something but as a movement from nothing. Freedom is escape from nothingness, from pure Being. Freedom has no choice but to escape, mediate, and discriminate. Differance [sic, Derrida’s fault] can only perpetually recapture itself, mesmerize, fantasize, phantasma-size, symbolize in order to escape the Real (Lacan).

Morality and religion may be thought antithetical to the highly secularized concept of ‘secular’. However, morality and religion also find their origin in freedom…freedom from sin, freedom from ethical anarchy, freedom from externally imposed, ‘secular’ norms. Morality and religion are surrogates of freedom while claiming and decrying their native heritage in freedom. Only God knows, only God is absolute. Freedom reserves the space for pure being, absolute otherness to be as Holy, as the safeguard which cannot be questioned. Freedom is from foreboding dread, anxiety, torture and age-abiding hāidēs. The ingenious synthesis in universal catholicism (not as noun) is in protecting and nurturing individualism while at the same time delimiting boundaries, immovable boundaries.

Boundaries reckoned by and through time in Anaximander ground justice and truth while simultaneously exacting a cost for their transgression. Heidegger would have thought ground (grund) and un-ground (ab-grund) in a typical Greek sense as origin and lack of origin (an-arche). Hegel seems to me to be fascinated and captured by this dialectic as were the Greeks. The excess to this dialectic can only be forever and infinitely recaptured by the dialectics all consuming lust for totality. It certainly merits an authenticity and easily brings one back to its bog. Hegel evens treats us to his profound psychological insight into the ever/never ending story in the master slave dialectic. The reciprocity and inextricable bounded-ness of the master and the slave find their freedom and their nemeses in each other. The freedom of the master is limited by the ever increasing dependence on the slave for livelihood, survival, definition and grounding meaning. The infinite freedom of the master, of necessity, requires the master’s servitude and indebtedness to the slave’s grounded-ness and existence. On the other hand, the slave, chained to existence, work and production requires the promise of absolute freedom. Freedom and nothingness, infinite and finite, determination and in-determinate dance violently in the bowels of religion.

In conclusion, let me simply draw upon the riddle posed at the origin by Hesiod and the Greek muses:

Hail, children of Zeus! Grant lovely song and celebrate the holy race of the deathless gods who are for ever, those that were born of Earth and starry Heaven and gloomy Night and them that briny Sea did rear. Tell how at the first gods and earth came to be, and rivers, and the boundless sea with its raging swell, and the gleaming stars, and the wide heaven above, and the gods who were born of them, givers of good things, and how they divided their wealth, and how they shared their honors amongst them, and also how at the first they took many-folded Olympus. Tell me all of this, you Muses who have your homes on Olympus, from the beginning, tell who first of them (the gods) came-to-be.

 

First of all Chaos came-to-be; but then afterwards Broad-breasted earth, a secure dwelling place forever for all [the immortals who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus], and misty Tartara in the depths under the wide-wayed grounds and Eros who, handsomest among the deathless gods a looser of limbs, in all the gods and in all human beings overpowers in their breasts their intelligence and careful planning. And from Chaos came-to-be both Erebos [ρεβος, the god of deep darkness, shadow] and dark night, and from night, in turn, came-to-be both Aither [the god of upper air, the mist of bright, glowing light, home of the gods] and day, whom she conceived and bore after joining in love with Erebos. But earth first begat, as an equal to herself, starry sky, so that he might cover her on all sides, in order to be a secure dwelling place forever for all the blessed gods, and she begat the tall mountains, pleasing haunts of the goddess-nymphs who make their homes in the forested hills, and also she bore the barren main with its raging swell, the sea, all without any sweet act of love; but then next, having lain with sky, she bore deep-swirling ocean,1

The Greeks know the dilemma and riddle posed by infinite freedom and absolute indeterminateness and all the subsequent permutations in historical dialectic and spirituality. Their answer, for the purpose of this short essay; revere, create, think, dramatize, poeticize, sculpt but never be lulled into sleep and demise by the spirit of gravity not for ‘will to power’ as Nietzsche’s oracle requires but for Desire to love, to renew, to believe, to breath in again our debt to alterity, to open once again the epoch of civilization wherein we live and move and have our being.

_________________

1 See my Philosophy Series 4 discussion

Are you a Republican when it comes to others and a Democrat when it comes to you?

I agree with the old line Republicans1, why should we pay for the indulgences and abuses of others? Now that “corporations are people too” according to the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision2 they should be treated like people.

Regular people are charged more and more for garbage collection according to rising disposal costs.

Regular people pay for higher food costs because of destructive climate changes3.

Regular people pay taxes on gas to maintain roads and bridges.

Regular people pay the price for the housing crises and speculative banking practices.

Regular people pay the increasing health care costs for emergency room health care.

Almost everywhere you look regular people are considered responsible for increasing costs no matter who caused the increase.

If corporations are destroying the environment with climate change and increasing disasters, why shouldn’t they pay for it? Why should we pay for it? I suggest that we let oil companies make all the oil they want in whatever way they want too. I think we should have a national budget cost for typical historical, environmental damage including the cost of living and inflation. If the cost of environmental disasters exceed that budget, the oil companies, the American Petroleum Institute, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, etc. should be taxed to pay the additional recovery costs from these disasters. If the disasters are cyclical as these folks claim, when the costs go down they should be rebated the additional taxes proportional to what they paid in. Why should the burden get put solely on those that use gasoline with higher gasoline taxes? The “corporations that are people too” need to pay for the costs they incur. This logic used to be en vogue in Republican circles with Mitt and friends in something called “cap and trade” but became illogical when certain high positioned Democrats took up the cause.

If corporations too big to fail go under they need to pay the cost for economic recovery not charge it to the national debt. They should probably have insurance policies, just like regular folks do, to cover their costs in case they go under and can’t pay for their economic damages. Why should the Federal Reserve bail out the big guys and let regular folks go belly up on their houses4?

Banks and insurance companies need to be able to pay for risky investments and policy holder damages in case their bets don’t pay off. Why should regular folks pay for their maladies? Why should they get to charge it off to the national debt5? As recent history has shown, we get “cherry picked” with effectively “catastrophic” homeowners, health insurance and car insurance that we cannot use unless we want to get dropped or pay higher premiums.

Health care companies make great profits. The reason they do is because they are partly subsidized by the taxpayer for emergency room health care, Medicare and Medicaid6. Why are their profit margins covered while our health care costs go up? Why should taxpayers pick up the cost for corporations that do not pay their employees a livable wage? Why should we pay for food stamps and health care while these corporations pad their pockets with profits at our expense? Again, Mitt and friends found a logical alternative to this only later to be loudly decried on the right as “Obama-care”.

War hawks should sign up to pay for their wars from their political parties contributions and wealthy donors if they are hell bent on stating wars7. Why should I pay for a war I never wanted and have to live with the consequences of my lost family members. I think good ‘ol Republican boys that are gun-ho ought to be the first ones on the front line.

Let everyone that wants a gun get one but if the gun gets used to kill someone the gun owner and the company that made the guns ought to pay all costs and damages associated with their destruction. They should also pay for higher law enforcement costs. We should have VERY stiff fines and prison sentences for those that do not lock up their guns and keep them out of the hands of unlicensed gun owners.8

These folks need to pull their own weight and quit relying on the corporate welfare, nanny state to keep bailing them out. Many of these additional costs fall on the backs of regular folks. Why can’t these predominately Republican folks live up to their own professed ideology? They complain about the nanny state when it comes to others while sponging off the nanny state in understated or re-stated ways when it comes to them.

It seems to me that folks are all too happy to profess a Republican ideology9 when it comes to other folks but when it comes to them they become, shall we say, covert Democrats. Of course, they do not process it that way. They have all kinds of ways to rationalize their hypocrisy10. They call it ‘free market’, environmental liberal lie of climate change, Democratic nannies, politician Social Security robbers, “I get the Medicare I already paid for”, Medicaid bleeding heart liberals, etc11. They have many ways to rationalize their implicit Democratic concerns about themselves in terms of good ‘ol Republican values.

If the free market really is the best way to distribute goods and reward risk-takers12, the burden should rest on the risk takers not on folks that never took the risk. Why can’t we have a free market that really works as it is professed to work. Reward and punishment need to fall on the backs of the ones that take the risks and reap the rewards. If it does not then we have the dreaded nanny state albeit under the guise of blaming others for their failures.

As I have previously pointed out13, many conservative have enlarged amygdales. The evolutionary ancient amygdale is the fear center of the brain. It is highly functional for fight or flight. Unfortunately, it cares little about consistency and contradiction. That part has to do with the anterior cingulated cortex, a more recent evolutionary innovation. Our future will not rest on fear, deception, and brute power to uphold insane, contradictory and hypocritical ideologies but on compromise, error correction, and critical thinking. We need to hold ourselves and others to the same standard, whatever it may be, and not find ways to propagate our advantage at the cost of those that had nothing to do with us, our failures and our risks. Isn’t this a ‘conservative’ value?

_________________

1 See Conservatism and Liberalism: A Historical Perspective

See The Question of Conservatism

2 See Money is Free Speech?

3 See The Ryan Plan: Part 3

4 See Latest Observations on the Housing and Economic Crisis

5 See Myths Exposed: President Obama is Responsible for Historic U.S. Federal Debt and Spending Levels

See Down the Rabbit Hole

6 See FAQs on Health Care Reform

See Health Care in Louisiana and Massachusetts-Bobby Jindal and Bill Cassidy

See Mitt and Friends

7 See Wars Started by Republicans Including Vietnam

See A Case for Bashing the Democrats

See Why We Still Sacrifice Our Young

See War on Terrorism

See Nearly Every Member of Congress Voted for Intervention in Iraq?

See Freedom Handout

8 See How to make gun control work…

9 See The Great Lie: The Great Depression and Recessions of the United States

See Poor Rich Folks

See A vote against Big Government is a vote for Big Business

10 See The Fox and the Hen House

11 See Problems with Medicare and Medicaid

12 See Fundamentalism in Market Economy: The Austrian School and Regulation

13 See The Conservative and Liberal Brain

 

the-opportune-polemicist-in-my-email-inbox

I have somewhat loosely followed a translator in recent years who actually helped me on one occasion find an ancient quote. Anyway, from time to time he has complained of ‘Christian persecution’ in England and I assume by extension, the world at large. He also seems to have some issue with homosexuals as well which appears to have something to do with his religious beliefs. I think he may believe that homosexuals are great examples of ‘Christian persecution’. In any case, the majority of his work is not along this polemic but rather translating ancient texts. Recently, I read one of his posts here which I could not resist adding my own contrary two-cents to…

Roger,

After reading your post I think it is very close to, “This shall not have been a polemic!”. I would even go so far as to suggest it could be an apology in wolf’s clothing. First, I admire your work and dedication to scholarly pursuits. I understand the lack of time for such indulgences in whatever your post wasn’t. In any case, I must say that as an ‘other side of the pond’ observer, I do not see this Christian persecution that you rail about. It is hard for me to believe that the originators of the Magna Carta would imprison folks because of their religious beliefs. I think you may be over the top on these claims. On one hand, if you did convey the whole story in your slightly more than emotive quips on the arrest, I think most rational folks, whether Christian or not, would agree it was a travesty of justice. On the other hand, some of this alleged ‘persecution’ may actually result from a kind of natural law, reaping what you sow.

I cannot believe any magistrate would uphold such a shabby arrest as apparently he did not. Justice is not perfect every time. There are reasons why justice is required and not some kind of natural law which needs no socially sanctioned enforcers. Injustice occurs regularly not just by criminals but also by sanctioned enforcers and by regular ‘ol mean-well folks. I am not surprised at all when sanctioned authorities commit injustice. I am aggravated when they appear to get away with it carte blanche. I hope democracy can ultimately address such atrocities but I am not even sure about that. In any case Roger, it does seem as if this Christian persecution thing is a bit of a stretch. I can tell you get a lot of emotional mileage out of it but I think most folks are not convinced by such claims. Of course, I know that you write that off as more of what you claim, Christian persecution. It comes across as an unfalsifiable belief if you know what I mean. On this side of the pond there are panhandlers and/or street philosophy peddlers regardless of theological persuasion which do get arrested for harassment and aggressive behavior so ‘forced free speech’ is not a right that is typically defended here.

I think you ‘doth protest too much’. I am not a Christian but I have no need to persecute Christians. ‘Persecution’ seems to me to imply a kind of on-going plot, a concerted endeavor. As you suggest, who has time for such shenanigans. Certainly, there may be some folks Christian or not which engage in such pathologies but I would not think this takes place in the majority of the sociological bell-shaped curve. However, paranoia does seem prevalent these days as it affords a certain kind of passive response to the ‘devils’ of existence. It seems to me that paranoia elevates ones false sense of uniqueness and importance as keepers of the Truth which requires social critique and upheaval. It may be fun for some but actual persecution requires way too much time and effort for most. Folks are creatures of necessity not ideology. My take is that we may have disagreements which some, more or less, would like to sanction socially, politically and legally but personally, I prefer the philosophical path of polemos, not in the sense of overt war but in the sense of strife and conflict, which gets worked out cathartically rather than violently. I see no problem with challenging philosophical or theological positions. I found my many years of undergraduate and graduate work intensely challenged my belief systems and forced me to change my ideas many times over the years. I think if the Greeks had simply been ‘polite’ the Occident would be a very different place today. Additionally, I think if one were God and would weigh historical, religious persecution in the balance, Christianity, at least as self-acclaimed, would not find itself weightless.

Why would you complain and emote some sort of sacrosanct indignation over Christian persecution anyway? Didn’t Jesus tell you that is what you signed up for as a Christian. Did you see him rail against the unbelievers? Isn’t he the one that said, turn the other check; give a stranger your coat and walk with him if he asks; lay down your life as he did for the sinful world, the enemies of the cross. It seems to me that if Jesus had indignation it was for the Pharisees and scribes of his day and even more for the money changers in the temple.

If there is a God, the world was created with a huge amount of sow what you reap in it. If Christians are persecuted it may not be heathen indignation but it may be that they are sowing what they have reaped. As Kierkegaard tells us if everyone is a Christian no one is a Christian. Doesn’t the Revelator tell us of an apostate Church, false messianic claims and ask if there would be faith on earth? Could it be that what you deem aggressive resistance to Christianity could rather be ‘chickens coming home to roost’ for Christians? Here across the pond, we have no lack of Christians which are brash and have none of the famed English politeness in such matters. We are regularly accosted by faith warriors both at shopping malls and in our politics. We have those that would legislate their morality in the name of ‘religious freedom’. There seems to be no end to what ‘religious freedom’ means over here. Of course, not any religion but the Christian religion is what most clearly rises to the top in these jurisprudent befunkles. Did Christ try to establish a kingdom on earth? Didn’t he say to the contrary and those that defended an earthly kingdom misunderstood him? Isn’t the Christian kingdom not of this world. Isn’t the mystic vision of Christianity to have the Holy Spirit reveal the pettiness of this sinful world in light of the glories of Heaven? Epiphany allows Christian suffering without whining of persecution, without hostility and even more so – laying down one’s life for the persecutor, dying for the sins of others. What happened to that Christ?

As a natural law, it may be that aggression requires aggression, enmity requires enmity, persecution requires persecution. Who would break this cycle? I think from ancient texts we may surmise that, for one, Jesus would not answer hatred with hatred but love. Did he strike out on the cross or pardon criminals? Even Socrates asked another to pay his debt with his dying words. Jesus and his disciples went to prison multiple times. Do you see any writings from those folks complaining of the ‘injustice’ or the persecution? They accepted it as par for the course and ministered to their fellow prisoners. They healed the sick, championed the poor, comforted the poor in spirit. I do not detect modern animosity and religious fervor in their approach to the world. They were long suffering. I think the thin skin approach to one’s faith and theology betrays a kind of insecurity in the coherence of one’s beliefs. If someone tries to convince you that you are wrong make them reason, explicate and clarify while you attempt to do the same; the worst case is you both walk away thinking more clearly, the best case is both may learn something.

 

Two-faced Libertarianism

Rand Paul was on “Meet the Press” this morning. I understand that politician-speak is always fashioned for public manipulation at the cost of consistency and non-contradiction but Rand Paul has always struck me as contradictory to the point of absurdity. His rhetoric is fundamentally Republican with a few twists which is fashioned to give him the “working-man” appeal. Republicans understand the need to appeal to grass roots folks as if they are working in the common man’s best interest. This is not to suggest the contrary, that Democrats do not do this in their own way. Neither is this to be reductionary as if all Republicans fall under this rubric. However, for Paul, this need for facade is fueled by the nagging associations of Republicans with the economically elite. In Paul’s case he has openly acknowledged, as his father did, his philosophical mentor Ayn Rand.

Ayn Rand was the queen of elitism and very proud of it. These folks are what I call chest beating elitists. It is ironic that this elitism has taken the modern form of a Jeffersonian styled libertarianism. Jefferson advocated individual rights for citizens and local government as opposed to federalism. Ayn Rand elitism is not elitism of the “working-man” but requires a political and economic power structure to secure the elite from the ignorant masses. Thomas Jefferson would have nothing to do with such nobilities. This contradiction has persisted from the federalism of John Adams and his son John Quincy Adams who was also a federalist for part of his political life (until joining his father’s nemesis’ party, the Democratic-Republican Party of Thomas Jefferson). John Quincy Adams is credited with the early beginnings of the modern Republican Party. The split of Jefferson’s party is also credited with the early beginnings of the Democratic Party with Andrew Jackson.

Today on “Meet the Press” Paul suggested that the “war on women” was being perpetrated by the Democratic Party not the Republican Party. He defended his point by reminding us of Bill Clinton’s illicit affair with Monaca Lewinski. He thinks this was clearly a case of the Democratic Party’s disdain for women. Of course, we all know Paul’s anti-abortion stance. One question that falls out of Paul’s libertarian confusion is, don’t libertarians defend the right for consenting, legally emancipated adults to have the sexual partner of their choice? Paul seemed to think that Bill Clinton’s ‘war on women’ was shown by ‘taking advantage’ of Monaca Lewinski. Wasn’t Monaca Lewinski an adult and legally entitled to make her own choice about a sexual partner? Wouldn’t a true libertarian defend Monaca Lewinski’s right, the right of the individual, to choose a sexual partner and not try to turn it into a moral universal such as a ‘war on women’? Wouldn’t a libertarian side on abortion choice rather than religious authoritarianism? This contrary play of universals versus individualism has always been the problem of libertarianism.

Elitism is not some kind of absolute individualism. Elitism has always sided with consolidation of its interests by power structures. It must shield and protect itself from the ignorant masses economically, militarily and politically with power, with what Jefferson would have thought as federalism. For Jefferson his problem with federalism was fundamentally with mercantilism, the concentration of elitist power in monarchies. How could libertarianism sanction any form of elitism? Well, the only way would be to make the common-man the true ‘elitist’. In this case, the true elitists would rise from the unprotected masses as the social, Darwinian adaptation of the fittest. The truly liberated elitist needs no protections other than their own individual ability to overcome, to say of their past “I willed it thus”. Sadly, this metaphysic of the exceptional individual has not historically been the case for elitism. For the most part, elitists as monarchs have always existed and persisted not from their own individual genius but from progeny, from birth, from entrenched power structures. The rhetoric that Paul espouses is the illusion of the ‘true’ elitist. It sides with the common man to protect the uncommon man. It calls the common-man the source of elite accomplishment while ensuring that the accomplished elites reap the benefit of the common-man’s vote. The modern garbs of libertarianism cloak an insidious and devious intention, the right of the individual to preserve what is “good for him”, the elite that he could be but statistically never will be. Underneath this cloak, Paul slips in anti-abortion, religious moral authority, elitist big business, ‘free market’ protectionism all of which when push comes to shove, push the individual aside to protect a very anti-libertarian agenda, the tyranny of the few over the many.

My position has always been that the individual thrives when the elites are perpetually at war without clear victors. When government and big business check each other against abuse, the common-man has the best chance for falling through the unconsolidated cracks in embedded power structures. If big business is given carte blanches privilege by the laissez-faire cloak of the ‘free market’ the common-man does not win over time except in the rhetoric of crafty politicians. Likewise, when government becomes a monarchy, a tyranny, the individual loses. This is why Plato tells us in his Republic that the philosopher king is the best form of government. However, what he did not tell us is that if the best form of government is defined by what he termed ‘liberalism’ which benefits the most people instead of the least, each person needs to be a philosopher king. If the common-man cannot see through the rhetoric of a Rand Paul we are all in trouble and history will once again repeat itself in rhetorical amnesia.

Oh, one more thing, if we want to cite Paul’s historical ‘war on women’ by Bill Clinton and the Democratic Party, perhaps we should also cite the very real war on Iraq and Afghanistan that Paul’s Republican, neocon buddies started in the Bush administration. I would think body bags would count more than illicit affairs in the real world. In the manipulative, rhetorical world of Paul, the preservation of the elite will always trump reality.

A few thoughts from re-reading Heidegger’s Parmenides course in 1942-43…

Hegel’s being and nothingness dialectic is taken up (aufhebung) into becoming. Hegel notes that being and nothingness are not really opposites as much as nothingness is the immediacy of abstract being. In this sense the dialectic here is not as much a play of absolute differences as universal and particular but a play of ‘sameness’ which nevertheless gets taken up, transformed, synthesized by becoming. In any case, the notion of being as abstract immediacy is first thought as nothing, as abstract, as NOT becoming. Hasn’t the existentialist taught us that being IS becoming? …nothing more or less. If I remember Hegel correctly the dialectic cannot go backwards, i.e., from synthesis to thesis and antithesis, becoming to being and nothingness. Isn’t there a progressive directional arrow of Spirit in Hegel’s dialectic? If we take Nietzsche’s maxim seriously that,

But no such agent exists; there is no “being” behind the doing, acting, becoming; the “doer” has simply been added to the deed by the imagination – the doing is everything. [Genealogy of Morals, Chapter 7, 13]

then aren’t we drawn to the conclusion that Hegel’s dialectic of being and nothingness is merely a verbal play? If we think of being and nothingness, abstract immediacy, then we must have already thought of being as not becoming, not yet lifted up to existence. Isn’t there already at work in Hegel’s thought a dichotomy, a binary opposition or at least a separation between being and becoming intrinsic from a prior and un-thought assumption? Have we thought of being as an absolute abstraction in order to ‘found’ existence and becoming? Has Hegel really revealed something profound or has he simply lapsed into the Latin, metaphysical belief that the mind does the body, being does becoming?

And, doesn’t this assumption have a progressive direction? Is there some kind of ‘creation ex-nihilo’ at work in Hegel’s cosmogony or idea-gony? Becoming rises up from being and nothingness. Existence is surmounted from being and nothingness. An ‘I’ is concretized, existential-ized as becoming, perhaps metaphorically as rising up from a kind of human vegetative state, from the emptiness of abstract immediacy. At play here is an ancient strife, polemos, a battle epitomized in the Roman misconception of Greek thinking, the thinking of truth, veritas, as oppositional from falsity. Heidegger points out the indo-European ‘ver’ as command, as rule, as higher imperium. I wonder if there is also a tale to be told here from the Roman dissimulated notion of Greek arche; origin, as rule rather than Hesiod’s notion of arche as yawning gap, differentiation not yet determined.

Truth then is taken as oppositional to false, fallere in Latin and from indo-European ‘to fall’, fallen-ness. To fall in Christianity is to not heed the command of the Lord. Here we have the beginning and most original Form of truth and falsity as absolutely oppositional. Hegel may be the most perfect expression; teleology of the Latinized absolute-ized reduction of truth to correctness, to truth as binary oppositions. Could Nietzsche have this in mind when he writes of the binary opposition of master and slave:

The watchwords of the battle, written in characters which have remained legible throughout human history, read: “Rome vs. Israel, Israel vs. Rome.” No battle has ever been more momentous than this one. [Genealogy of Morals, Chapter 7, 16]

Could this be the metaphysical canonization of slavery, of rule and imperium, we find in Constantinople Rome? Could Heidegger have this in mind when he writes of truth in his lecture on Parmenides? The excess of aletheia, unconcealed-ness, that Heidegger brings out from ancient Greece in contradistinction to the modern conception of truth is not thought from the binary opposition of conceal and un-conceal, semblance and truth, false and real? The rule, the order, the command determines origin and makes being possible without becoming or prior to becoming in some Idea-ological determination. If the order tells us that being and nothingness come before becoming, make becoming possible as the resolution of creation ex nihilo then the determination that being and becoming are differential, differentiated, draws its breath from the metaphysics of Rome. If these distinctions are merely verbal, merely historical repetitions of rutted patterns of habitual thought which oppositional-ize, deduced from artificial origins of being and nothingness that cannot stand in existence, in becoming, aren’t we really just reifying in auto-affection a beginning rule and order, a mathematics which cannot think excess to itself.

Heidegger thinks the excess of truth forgotten in Latin as aletheia. Nietzsche thinks it as the body doing the mind, becoming doing Being. Levinas think excess as the face of the other. Is there violence in ordaining that the rule reduce these terms to oppositions and transformations, that order oblivi-ate, forget its forgetting, make order the conquest of chaos, gap, differentiation without determination and not even be able to be able to escape its absolute subjectivism?

 

An Email to Paul Krugman

 

Dr. Krugman,

I have been an author for a number of years at a blog called “Critical Thinker Applied”. Steve Horwitz of the Austrian School has occasionally provided a guest essay and commented on various essays. I was a bit taken back when he responded to a rather provocative op-ed piece I wrote called “Smart” is the new dumb. While I am not an economist, I have done some research and posted articles on some of the issues I have with Austrian Economics. Of course, Steve did not like my article which concerned my idea that the government is more like a large business conglomerate than some different kind of large, homogenous, monolithic beast. I compared the electorate to shareholders or board members who could fire politicians (management) for doing a bad job. In particular, Steve wanted to claim that the government could not retain knowledge as well as private sector business and could not be as efficient as private sector business. My idea is not so black and white. I pointed out that there are parts of government like the GAO that can be just as efficient as business and retain knowledge. I also pointed out that business can fail to retain knowledge and become inefficient at times. His rebuttal was that studies proved voting has “built-in bias that do not assure the same sort of corrective processes”. In my response I asked him,

“It appears as if you question the whole ideal of democracy as a self-correcting process, albeit bumpy and messy but a progressive form of self governance. If voting is irretrievably flawed with “built-in bias, under your systemic analysis wouldn’t that indict democracy in general? Isn’t voting the cornerstone of democracy? Are we to suppose that the unbridled governance of the market is sufficient to replace the flawed governance of democracy?”

I am perplexed by his seemingly somewhat ambivalent and arbitrary designations of government and the private sector. I am sure he must be aware that even shareholders and board members vote. If voting is fatally flawed when it comes to government, how is it that this flaw does not follow into the private sector?

Best Regards,

Steve Horwitz and’Free Market’Fundamentalism

Critical Thinking Applied is no more. Jeff, the guy that was running the site, doesn’t have time for it anymore but my posts will continue on this site.

 

It is amazing to me that listening to Republicans rail about the Obama-Care web site, they have so much more consternation about it than they ever did about the two wars their cohorts started in Iraq and Afghanistan that killed and maimed thousands of our young people and tens of thousands of civilians. Even the neocons in the administration that started the Iraq war admitted it was a “mistake” and that there were no weapons of mass destruction. Both of those wars were tragic “mistakes” and created more terrorists than they ever killed. The silence of the right at that time is now replaced with bitter screeching about Obama-Care. You would think Obama-Care was poised to kill many more than those two wars with all their high pitched commotion.

 

Personally, I am sick and tired of hearing these government haters that call themselves “patriots”. I guess I can understand now how terrorists come to think of themselves as saviors and righteous. This malady is really best understood as a psychological pathology which ravages rationality and makes topics such as ‘healthcare’ worse than any war ever could be.

 

Before Critical Thinking shut down I wrote an article titled “Smart is the new dumb“. It was very interesting that Steve Horwitz, a leading conservative academic apologist for Austrian Economics, made a comment about this article. Steve had posted an article on the Critical Thinking site before. I wrote a series of articles which addressed his article and Austrian Economics:

 

Shadow Universals

Austrian Logic

RE: “Restrictive regulation is positively correlated with corruption”

Prelude to Understanding

Fundamentalism in Market Economy: The Austrian School

Fundamentalism in Market Economy: The Austrian School and Regulation

Fundamentalism in Market Economy: The Austrian School and the Problem of Suffering

 

Steve never responded to these articles but had his devotee Jeff respond. When Steve responded to my piece I was a bit taken back that rather than try deal rationally with the issues I brought out in previous articles he would rather respond in the emotive way detailed below. I have no problem with emotive responses but I would think it would be more valuable for an academic to respond to substantial criticism rationally.

 

In any case, my opinion about Austrian Economics after reading and studying their most famous advocates including Steve is that they are Economic Darwinists with a slight difference in contemporaneous spokespeople from their historical advocates. Many of the neo-Austrians nowadays are fundamentalists Christians. Steve just wrote a series of articles on the rationality of his Christian faith. These folks cater to the new right, the ‘libertarian’ to anarchist right with roots in fundamentalist Christianity. The Austrians in the United States are very outspoken about their dogma that, in effect, government is the root of all evil. Government keeps capitalism from being capitalism in their opinion. Government is the cause not only of the 2008 recession but also the Great Depression. Regulation is not the same as monopolistic tendencies in the ‘free market’. Somehow because regulation is done by the government it makes it infinitely worse than anything a ‘free market’ monopoly could achieve. Large corporations which buy up competitors, kill smaller competitors with cheaper production costs from mass purchasing, effectively regulate the market with ‘approved partners’, ‘approved hardware/software’ as is the case for Microsoft, are exempt from artificially deforming the ‘free market’ but government cannot be absolved of its ‘free market’ sins. When these Ayn Rand’ers beat their ‘free market’ elitist chests over the conquests of economic Darwinism they also decry the source of all market booms and busts, the government. The market would not create such hyperbolic deformities in its own terms but only when government interferes with the market’s Darwinian ethos, ethics, morality of sorts.

 

In view of this, I think the irrationality of these fundamentalist Christian Darwinists can probably not be understood as a legitimate academic pursuit as much as a psychological pathology. In my response to Steve’s comment I address the “monolith”, the “obelisk”, which conveys a kind of ‘magical’ wisdom for these pathologies. In this case, “government and not-government” which I shortened to “G and not-G” functions as government which is both a diabolic and monstrous evil and simultaneously a chaotic, bureaucratic albatross and not-government which functions as a holy order of freedom and simultaneously as a Darwinian, heroic defeat of weakness and inefficiency. It is as if God has decreed that the meek shall not inherit the earth but be banished from the earth. The beatitudes have found the ‘original intent’ in the ‘free market’. The ‘free market’ provides goods and services cheaper from a highly simplified notion of ‘competition’. It winnows out the chaff from the wheat. Instead of ‘those who will not work shall not eat’ we have ‘those who cannot win shall not eat’ and by the way, Jesus loves you.

 

Comments below:

 

  • Steve Horwitz

    October 25, 2013 at 12:20 pm· Reply

    Wow. This is what is called “critical thinking” and “reasoned discourse?” You guys sure this post was supposed to go on this site?


    It may be hard for some to handle this but the private and public sector are no different in fundamental ways. They can both be inadequate, ineffective, competent, provide an important service to the consumer. The can both put Shinola on shit. It is up to the employees and shareholders to either make the organization better or preside over their own ruin.

    This is the worst sort of uncritical thinking about markets and politics. The comparison is NOT between what individual corporations/firms and individual government departments (or gov’t as a whole) do, but the systems within which they operate.

    The argument for the superiority of markets is not that corporations are “better” or by themselves less likely to be bad in all of these ways. It’s that they operate in an institutional environment that provides them with knowledge and incentives to both KNOW when they’ve made errors and give them guidance and incentives to correct them in the right way. This is what market prices/profits/losses do and there is no comparably powerful analogue in politics. Voting doesn’t do the trick as numerous scholars have shown the ways in which that process has built-in bias that do not assure the same sort of corrective processes.

    I don’t give a gosh dilly darn about how wise/good corporate leaders and government employees are, nor about how they try to spin their mistakes etc.. What I care about are the epistemological and incentive properties of the institutions within which they operate, and on that score the theory and evidence favors markets.

    Rather than treating those of us who think markets are better as ignoramouses (do you really think the tone of this piece enhances civil discourse?) why don’t you do what critical thinkers are supposed to do and read the BEST arguments on the other side, not the strawmen you so clumsily knock down here?

    • October 26, 2013 at 12:29 pm· Reply

       

      Wow, too. I didn’t know anyone was reading this blog. It has been quite some time since I have seen any comments at all. I do not really write for others. I write these days more as a personal diary as I have found few that are really willing to hang with a detailed and prolonged argument come what may. Most of the posts here are simply copied from my personal blog. I am elated that you actually took the time to respond. I was not aware that there were any requirements for the ‘regulation’ of this site; the free market place of ideas if you will. If I were to classify this piece I would think of it more as a provocative op-ed. I guess in that sense it worked. It really came out of my frustration with the Yahoo email engine, the current propaganda about technology and Obama-Care and the highly simplistic ways these topics get tossed around. I was not trying to write a ‘critical thinking’ piece nor do I think that is a requirement for everything that gets posted here. I am not the only one that has posted these types of articles here. I have seen thinly veiled anti-Semitic, anti-Islamic, anti-liberal, anti-religious, pro-gay, civil morality lessons posts here by the other authors. I do not think or advocate that these kinds of topics should not be posted here. In many cases, they certainly are not reading and dissecting the “other side” nor do I think they necessarily should. I can comment and disagree if I choose or say nothing at all. Unlike academia I have no career to make, position to take until death do us part, economic incentive to publish or impress. As far as I am concerned all is fair here but always subject to scrutiny, objection and argument.

       

      I certainly love to engage in detailed and critical argument as the vast majority of my posts have been concerned with studies from reports by the GAO, CBO, OBM, FCIC, AEI, Congressional reports, legislative bills, Supreme Court decisions, Pew and Gallop polls, Simpson-Bowles, the Ryan Plan, historical surveys (i.e., Adam Smith, Carl Marx, etc.) and the detailed and highly referenced and footnoted series on philosophy. I believe I footnote and reference more than anyone else on this site. I have worked with statistical correlations as yet, unpublished and the problems of causality. The references below this post barely scratch the surface of the more ‘critical thinking’ posts I have published here. I also have read and dealt with articles by yourself, Jonathan Catalan, Mises, Rothbard, Rand and other publications on the Mises site. I have read much more than I have ever published from that site. I have read and commented on critiques both pro and con of empirical evidence related to microeconomics and the business cycle, regulation, inflation, boom/bust, capitalization and the Fed . The only person that ever really took the time to respond on this blog was Jeff. I really appreciate him taking the time to comment even if we disagree. I seriously doubt that you have ever read many of my posts here even the ones concerning yourself so I am a bit amazed that this post elicited a response from you.

       

      I disagree with Jeff on his notions of civility. I have no ‘ought-to’s or moral compulsions about civil argument. I do not attack individuals personally with profanity because I think that is an admonition of defeat in an argument not from some moral compulsion. As a blogger for many years I have regularly been attacked personally. I actually like it when that happens because I use it to illustrate the failure of an argument. In general, I have no problem attacking ideologies, philosophies, dogmas, etc. as they are not people but positions which can be dissected, subjected to empirical evidence, critiqued for logical inconsistencies and parodied. Provocation is one tool among others to elicit comments as you have demonstrated and possibly spur further, more critical examinations. Certainly, professors are not strangers to these tactics. I see the market place of ideas as an unfettered, type of ‘social contract’ which replaces war and violence with a cathartic sport and linguistic sparring and most important offers me the possibility of learning something, being persuaded to change my position, research and articulate issues more clearly. I would think you would not be unfamiliar with these notions.

       

      I understand your lack of concern with anecdotal comments. I enjoy theoria and praxis. Naturally, “systems” can and endlessly have been characterized and constrained to fit theoria so ‘critical thinking’ would be remiss without a healthy skepticism in this regard. I, apparently unlike some of the purported microeconomic theorists, put some stock in empirical studies and statistics. I also sympathize with Mises’ concern with underlying ideologies which has been discussed in terms of essentialism and with his distrust of positivism. However, when you argue from ‘the whole’, the somewhat editorialized “systems”, you indict and implicate the particular. Therefore, the particular is relevant and, depending on the degree to which you universalize your systemic dynamics, hold to your unique characterizations of ‘the whole’, particular divergent cases may indicate a systemic crisis with your organizational analysis, your theoria. Anecdotal evidence may be an indication of systemic inconsistencies but should not be construed as apodictive proof under any circumstances. I find theroia informs praxis and vice versa. Therefore, with regard to this,

       

      “The argument for the superiority of markets is not that corporations are “better” or by themselves less likely to be bad in all of these ways. It’s that they operate in an institutional environment that provides them with knowledge and incentives to both KNOW when they’ve made errors and give them guidance and incentives to correct them in the right way. This is what market prices/profits/losses do and there is no comparably powerful analogue in politics. Voting doesn’t do the trick as numerous scholars have shown the ways in which that process has built-in bias that do not assure the same sort of corrective processes.”

       

      I have a few comments. Your systemic assumptions here if I understand you correctly are:

       

      Private, by this I mean non-government, institutions are systemically built to retain knowledge and incentives. Is the logical contrary true that government is systemically inferior to the task of retaining knowledge and providing incentive? I assume this is implied by your reasoning.

       

      It appears as if you question the whole ideal of democracy as a self-correcting process, albeit bumpy and messy but a progressive form of self governance. If voting is irretrievably flawed with “built-in bias, under your systemic analysis wouldn’t that indict democracy in general? Isn’t voting the cornerstone of democracy? Are we to suppose that the unbridled governance of the market is sufficient to replace the flawed governance of democracy?

       

      The market is “self-correcting”. Is this in opposition to democracy’s fate fatale?

       

      Part of the problem in this undertaking has much in common with problems in Hegel. Your systemic analysis has run aground by virtue of its implied and assumed universality. The unicity which characterizes the superiority of the ‘free-market’ over the rabble of a democracy is highly over generalized. I would love to see the studies you alluded to as I am sure they and their opposing scholarly rebuttals do not paint such a clear and unobstructed path as you insinuate. In particular, you along with Ted Cruz seem to not take into account the ‘conglomerate’ organization of the Federal Government ; indeed, indeed, the possibility of any large and diversified (heterogeneous) systemic governmental organization. Do you think the GAO is micro managed from a ubiquitous hierarchy? Be careful, my wife retired as an auditor from the GAO and she loves to digest uninformed generalizations. Do you think that Federal employees are de-incentivized by a looming, homogenous bureaucracy? And would you have us believe that this does not occur in large corporations? Are all Federal agencies rendered systemically inadequate by the phallic obelisk, the evolutionary monolith, of your homogenized systemic analysis? Isn’t there some over simplification at work in such conveniences? I am not imputing a “better” or worse, a value judgment, on your analysis. I merely make the claim that the systemic underpinnings you are so eager to attribute to government and not-government (i.e., free market), henceforth G and not-G, may not be taken up (aufhebung) by what I see as the somewhat arbitrary boundaries of G and not-G, public and private, but alternatively and more appropriately by organization size, complexity, and coherency.

       

      It might be informative to take your statistical correlations and plug in dependent variables with regard to these organizational dynamics to see what you get. It seems somewhat intuitive that size (and the quality of size) matter in this regard. If you are looking at efficiency and knowledge retention you will probably find that sheer size, obstacles throw up by complexity and the degree to which management holds or does not hold multi-varied goals, dynamics, personal and collective goals together has much more to do with your outcomes than G or not-G. This is where you lose credibility in my opinion. You apparently cannot see the ways in which G and not-G share more organization dynamics in common than mere reduction to nouns. These dynamics are verbs not nouns. A conglomerate like GE can be run efficiently and with knowledge retention by making itself more heterogeneous, localized and departmentally self-contained. The government can and has done this as well. If you think the government is organized like over-hyped politicians would have you believe you really know nothing about how the Federal Government works. It is highly intuitive to think that to the degree that the G or not-G becomes a huge, vertically non-integrated, homogenous monolith, an obelisk to chaos is to the same degree that inefficiency and learning system feedback or loopback is inhibited AND that the difference between the nouns G and not-G is irrelevant and indistinguishable except only by virtue of your ideological underpinnings. Rather, system organizational dynamics do not come from the macro but from the micro as I assume you have some sympathy. Depending on how they are run G and not-G, massive organizations, can do well with your determining criteria or fail. The praxis, the truth is always somewhere in the middle. Some things they do well and others not so well. An oracular pronouncement based on ideological persuasion does not address systems and organizations as you suppose. I beg to differ, there is no decidable difference between G and not-G based on their formal noun derived and ideological infusions but on the successes and failures of size, complexity, and coherency. The ‘decidability’ of a dynamic, a systemic organization, a verb must itself be founded on a verb not on a self-evident, apriori, dogma that rests on a name, an arbitrary designation, a merely verbal bias (originating from subtle essentialisms as Mises might inform us) as G and not-G.

  • The Free Market: Capitalism and Socialism – Part 1

    Adam Smith, an Enlightenment thinker, thought of humans as fundamentally self-interested as contrasted to Thomas Hobbes. Hobbes thought that selfishness worked as a kind of glue for society. His idea was that people are selfish; fundamentally concerned only with themselves. This meant that each person wanted to thrive based on their personal wants and needs without regard to ideals like the greater good or the plight of others. However, as selfish people, they want security at any cost. In order to obtain security, people subject themselves to the state, to laws. While individuals would freely rape, murder and plunder without concerns of conscience they do not because they do not want to be on the receiving end of their brutish desires. The free subjugation of themselves to the state is called ‘social contract’ theory.

    Adam Smith lived hundreds of years after Hobbes. He was also a social contract theorist. He was concerned with how self-interested individuals create commerce. In “The Wealth of Nations”, Smith writes:

    “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own self-interest. We address ourselves, not to their humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities but of their advantages.”[1]

    He thought that when self-interested individuals compete, the process of competition resulted in the most optimum allocation of resources because competition resulted in the lowest average cost of goods or services. In this way, he thought that self-interest served the greater good. He thought that any time the government or monopolies intervened in this process it prevented the process from working as it should and kept costs artificially higher thus interrupting the normative operation of a free market. It is important to note that Adam Smith’s ideals of the free market only work on the basis of competing individuals not market monopolizing corporations or governments. Market monopolies interfere with competition and defy the ideal of a free market.

    “The price of monopoly is upon every occasion the highest that can be got. The natural price, or the price of free competition, on the contrary, is the lowest which can be taken, not upon every occasion indeed, but for any considerable time together. The one is…the highest which can be squeezed out of the buyers…The other is the lowest which the sellers can commonly afford to take…. The monopoly price is most often sustained by “the exclusive privileges of corporations (65)”[2]

    “Smith uses the terms “self-interest” and “private interests” always in opposite ways. For former, his most famous statements are “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest (20),” and, “by directing [his] industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention (351)”. Concerning “private interests,” Smith is not so sanguine; these private interests constitute the “spirit of monopoly (371)” which Smith so much detests. It should be clear by now, from what has been said before, that Smith is well aware of the dangers of avarice and especially so since the interests of capitalists diverge, in Smith’s view, so much from the interests of the general public.”[3]

    Capitalism (a term he never uses), as Adam Smith thought, is depended on private property and private ownership. The self-interested individual had complete legal and sole rights to their property. Without private property there would be no motivation for individuals to compete and increase their property ownership, their wealth.

    Socialism believes that individual interests are served better when they cooperate with each other and not compete. Socialism believes in social ownership. In effect, this means workers own production (also called the means of production). Production is not owned privately but by a group. There are many forms of socialism. Some forms of socialism believe that the workers in a factory own the factory, but everything else in the economy is ‘free market’ and private property. There is no government ownership is this type of socialism. Some forms of socialism simply pay a social dividend based on factory profitability. Some forms of socialism nationalize factories but still maintain private ownership. Social democrats use a progressive tax system and government regulation within a private market economy. There are also anarchist and libertarian forms of socialism. Socialists tend to believe that when the individual is elevated above the group, normal human interaction and group identities tend to get ignored. Language[4] is a perfect example of how humans are fundamentally collective. People do not have ‘private languages’. Communication is only possible by sharing a language that we individually did not make up. People are not hermits. We form governments, churches and social communities.

    “As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce. The wood of the forest, the grass of the field, and all the natural fruits of the earth, which, when land was in common, cost the laborer only the trouble of gathering them, come, even to him, to have an additional price fixed upon them. He must then pay for the license to gather them; and must give up to the landlord a portion of what his labor either collects or produces. This portion, or, what comes to the same thing, the price of this portion, constitutes the rent of land, and in the price of the greater part of commodities makes a third component part.

    The real value of all the different component parts of price, it must be observed, is measured by the quantity of labor which they can, each of them, purchase or command. Labor measures the value not only of that part of price which resolves itself into labor, but of that which resolves itself into rent, and of that which resolves itself into profit.”[5] -Adam Smith

    It is important to note that a ‘pure’ socialism or capitalism has never existed on any large scale. Every world historical economy has always been a mixture. For example, consider the notion of rent in capitalism.

    “For the purposes of economics, Smith divides society into three economic classes: the landlords, the laborers, and the merchants and manufacturers (448), or those who live by rent, those who live by wages, and those who live by profit (217). Now the interests of the first two classes are tied to the prosperity of the nation; economic expansion raises the value of land and increases the demand for labor and hence its wages. But exactly the opposite is the case with the third class, those who live by profit:

    But the rate of profit does not, like rent and wages, rise with prosperity, and fall with the declension of the society. On the contrary, it is naturally low in rich, and high in poor countries, and it is always highest in the countries which are going fastest to ruin. The interest of this third order, therefore, has not the same connection with the general interest of the society as that of the other two (219).

    Thus the interests of the third class run contrary to the interests of the other two; expansion actually raises the cost of labor and rent and increases competition, thereby lowering profits, so much so that the ruination of a country is actually in the best interests of the third class”[6]

    It is interesting to note here that economic expansion “raises the value of land” but it is uncertain how long the values of land can go higher and how exactly the profits increase unless the property owner is the sole owner, i.e., already paid for and not obtained by a loan. It would seem that profit is “high in poor countries”. Adam Smith takes this an indicator of “ruination of a country”.

    A property owner allows a tenant to live in their property for a fee. The renter does not own the property and if the renter quits paying rent they are not allowed to live in the house. Likewise, a mortgage is ‘ownership’ on paper but the bank allows a mortgagee to live in the house as long as the mortgage is paid. In both cases, ownership is not sole or absolute – it is contingent on paying a periodic fee. So, the landlord or the bank cooperates with the individual in the interest of capitalizing on the financial arrangement. It should also be noted that the bank and the landlord are likely to be indebted themselves to the third class, “those who live by profit”; the financiers, that Adam Smith writes of above.

    We can see that the renter or the mortgagee is not a property owner in Adam Smith’s notion of property ownership. However, the aspiration of the renter or mortgagee is for property ownership. Since the aspiration of sole ownership is not reality, a group arrangement is made that allows an individual to have shelter until their aspirations can be obtained. However, it is certainly true that most individuals today will never own their house outright. Therefore, in reality they will live their whole lives working and cooperating in group economic, arrangements.

    In finance, leverage is the ability of an investor to increase their ‘paper’ holdings based on loans. Again, a group economic arrangement allows investors to obtain securities that they would normally not be able to afford. As such, the investor is obligated to a group, cooperative arrangement to leverage their holdings. The question of fees and profit is actually an ancient issue. The Bible explicitly forbids interest or profit on loans (Exodus 22:25–27, Leviticus 25:36–37 and Deuteronomy 23:20–21). These passages state that interest is exploitative. In this sense, those that base their faith on these books would be in perfect agreement with the writings of Karl Marx (at least on this specific topic) and Adam Smith. Exploitation with higher and higher fees for loans on rental and mortgaged property are examples of how the wealthy class, the real property owners, has increased their wealth at the expense of those that are not wealthy. This exploitation has been going on from the beginning. Even Adam Smith recognized the exploitation of labor. This excerpt is from an essay on The Wealth of Nations:

    “However, in the negotiation of wages, the worker is at a distinct disadvantage. In the first place, the law prevented him from joining with his follows to bargain (71, 151). Further, the law always favors the masters over the workers (151). Workers are prevented from joining in unions to raise wages, but the masters are not forbidden to unite to lower them; indeed, the law encourages them to do so. This legal inequality particularly angered Smith, who noted that, “People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices (137).” But when the workers attempt to meet, it “generally end[s] in nothing, but the punishment or ruin of the ringleaders (71).” The inequality is so great that:

    Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counselors are always the masters. When the regulation, therefore, is in favor of the workmen, it is always just and equitable; but it is sometimes otherwise when in favor of the masters (151).”[7] –Adam Smith

    Socialism also recognizes the tendency for exploitation of the worker and tries to address it.

    In both socialism and capitalism dues must be paid to benefit. For Christianity[8], capitalism and socialism[9] a main tenant is “He who does not work shall not eat”. Paying your dues is not an option in socialism or in capitalism. Fees are required to participate in the group. The main difference is that in capitalism, according to the ‘theory’ of Adam Smith, individualism as self-interest reigns supreme. The ideal is that the individual worker benefits with private property ownership not the financier. In socialism, the individual worker benefits as well but socialists want to formally recognize ownership of production in a group context – the laborer not the financier. Depending on the type of socialism, the group could mean anything from share holders in a factory to nationalism of a factory. In theory, the individual should benefit in both systems. However, socialism wants to take precautions to ensure that the group of laborers benefit and capitalism viz. Adam Smith acknowledges that in some cases the financiers will benefit at the cost of the laborers. Both systems distribute wealth in one way or another. The fundamental problem that Marx wanted to address with socialism was how the wealthy, the financiers, ended up with all the real private property ownership while the workers, in effect, ended up as indentured slaves barely able to pay their bills. Additionally, in both systems classes are set up in practice.


    [1] Adam Smith, Wealth Of Nations, [WN I.ii.2)

    [2] The Forgotten Agrarian: Re-Reading Adam Smith, John C. Médaille, http://www.medaille.com/newadamsmith.htm, parenthetical numbers refer to section numbers in the cited Adam Smith work

    [3] ibid

    [4] Alas, you too young, free-market libertines who rail against the socialists in your rabid individualism – you too are a product of ‘group-think’ – it is called language – you just don’t know your indebtedness yet…

    [5] Adam Smith, Wealth Of Nations, [WN I.vi.7-8: p 67]

    [6] The Forgotten Agrarian: Re-Reading Adam Smith, John C. Médaille

    [7] ibid

    [8] II Thessalonians 3:10

    [9] In accordance with Lenin’s understanding of the socialist state, article twelve of the 1936 Soviet Constitution states:

    In the USSR work is a duty and a matter of honor for every able-bodied citizen, in accordance with the principle: “He who does not work, neither shall he eat.”

    In Lenin’s writing, this was not so much directed at lazy or unproductive workers, but rather the bourgeoisie. (Marxist theory defines the bourgeoisie as the group of those who buy the labor-power of workers and engage it in the process of production, deriving profits from the surplus value thus expropriated. Once communism was realized, that is, after the abolition of property and the law of value, no-one would live off the labor of others.)

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/He_who_does_not_work,_neither_shall_he_eat

    The Free Market: Capitalism and Socialism – Part 2

    Karl Marx, the founder of communism, thought there was a higher and lower form of communism[10]. Engels and Lenin called the lower form of communism, socialism. Socialism is not egalitarian. Egalitarianism means everything is shared equally. Marx described socialism like this:

    “But one man is superior to another physically or mentally, and so supplies more labor in the same time, or can labor for a longer time; and labor, to serve as a measure, must be defined by its duration or intensity, otherwise it ceases to be a standard of measurement. This equal right is an unequal right for unequal labor. It recognizes no class differences, because everyone is only a worker like everyone else; but it tacitly recognizes unequal individual endowment and thus productive capacity as natural privileges. It is therefore a right of inequality, in its content, like every right. Right by its very nature can consist only in the application of an equal standard; but unequal individuals (and they would not be different individuals if they were not unequal) are measurable only by an equal standard insofar as they are brought under an equal point of view, are taken from one definite side only, for instance, in the present case, are regarded only as workers and nothing more is seen in them, everything else being ignored. Further, one worker is married, another not; one has more children than another, and so on and so forth. Thus, with an equal performance of labor, and hence an equal share in the social consumption fund, one will in fact receive more than another, one will be richer than another, and so on. To avoid all these defects, right instead of being equal would have to be unequal.”[11]

    Karl Marx thought that communism would eventually replace socialism not by force but by natural progression. Communism is egalitarian. Communism thinks that wealth should be distributed equally among equals. Individuals should not be singled out according to class, wealth, natural abilities, etc. but should work cooperatively for the greater good of society. Communism does not believe in private property. Private ownership and competition is thought to favor the rich and; necessarily, put less wealthy individuals at a competitive disadvantage. Private property is what gives rise to a class stratified society. In communism the ideal is one of egalitarianism; that all people are equal and should receive the benefit of their labor equally.

    For communism, individual ownership is not allowed but that does not restrain class stratification. The administrators of shared wealth, the government, become the de facto upper class. Wealth gets disproportionately distributed according to this class structure in communism as well. In practice, capitalism, socialism and communism cannot claim a classless society nor can they claim that the individual is the sole beneficiary of the toil of their labor as property owners.

    What follows from this is that the group or the individual is not normative for these economies but ideals. Class is inevitable for capitalism, socialism and communism – it is utopic to think otherwise. A class is group comprised of individuals. Mitt Romney is part of a class, a wealthy class. Most of us will realistically never be in his class. However, humans are aspirational – being human is being towards a future. In this way capitalism offers the promise of a possibility – the possibility for success, the chance to be in the wealthy class. For those that extol the virtues of capitalism, it does not seem to matter as much that the vast majority of these aspirations will never be fulfilled. What matters is the place for the dream, the drama of the ideal. As individuals, we need aspiration just after the need for food and shelter. We need to think we are or will be a part of the wealthy class. The goal of this aspiration is for membership in a group, a communal hope shared in capitalism. We are ready to use our collective language, our economic group arrangements, our families, societies and affiliations to aid us in our goals – the envisioned absolute wealth of our freedom. The dream that imagines itself as self-interested individualism is all the while prefaced, perforated and dependent on the other, the group, the community – our shared language. This is what socialism recognized and tried to articulate in its economics. What communism lost was the aspirational; the value we place on the desire for moving towards a future.

    In reality, there never is an isolated individual that can cleanly be separated from a collectivity. Additionally, the dream of accumulating more and more sole property ownership based on the system of self-interested individuals appears to reach practical limits as a result of the third group Adam Smith writes of, the financiers. None of us are hermits and make up private languages as we go through our daily lives. The notion of an Adam Smith styled individualism is what many philosophers think of as metaphysical (meta-phusis as beyond physics or beyond the physical). The aspiration I have referred to is desire for the metaphysical individual. It does not reflect our lived reality but necessarily participates in our sense of meaning and hope as an ideal. Aspiration is essential for meaning. To aspire is to see beyond the hum drum, the daily grind and meaningless repetition – perchance to dream. How does the state, the government, figure into our aspirations?

    For Adam Smith the state is the guarantor of our security. It is responsible for the military. It also is responsible for enforcing the law. It holds the promise of reprisal for violations of law. It is also responsible for public works projects and certain public institutions where profit is not possible.

    “According to the system of natural liberty, the sovereign [government] has only three duties to attend to; three duties of great importance, indeed, but plain and intelligible to common understanding: first the duty of protecting the society from the violence and invasion of other independent societies; secondly, the duty of protecting, as far as possible, every member of society from the injustice or oppression of every other member of it, or the duty of establishing an exact administration of justice; and, thirdly, the duty of erecting and maintaining certain public works and certain public institutions, which it can never be for the interest of any individual, or small number of individuals, to erect and maintain; because the profit could never repay the expense to any individual or small number of individuals, though it may frequently do much more than repay it to a great society.”[12]

    Contrary to popular belief, Adam Smith was not opposed to government regulation. He spent 100 pages in the “Wealth of Nations” discussing banking regulations. As has already been mentioned he knew the financiers in a society had a corrosive effect on society. They had a tendency for exploitation and government regulation was needed to hold them in check.

    For Adam Smith, self-interest is good for those that live by ‘rent’ and ‘wages’ but not for those that live by ‘profit’ as previously mentioned. Smith thought those that live by profit had a destructive influence on society. This is why Smith favored regulations for those who live by profit. The government certainly plays an essential role for ensuring a fair market. Of course, he recognized the issues with capricious regulations and the way they interfered with the normal market operation of efficient competition. However, he would have never given financiers carte blanch, deregulated access to the market. Adam Smith would have said, “I told you so” when the Gramm–Leach–Bliley Act of 1999, deregulated financial services. It repealed part of the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 that prohibited a single institution like a bank from acting as any combination of an investment bank, a commercial bank, and an insurance company. Basically, the repeal allowed banks to use customer deposits for risky financial ventures. It also allowed banks to have conflicts of interest by ‘advising’ its customers to use its financial services and products without regard to more competitive and valuable investments. Additionally, the government was implicated in these risky investments as the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) backed up customer deposits. The Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act tried to restore financial oversight of banks and financial institutions and consumer protections. One thing it did was to allow the government to liquidate these institutions that are covered by the FDIC in order to keep these institutions from having large scale failures that would jeopardize the ability of the U.S. government to bail them out. Regulations not only provide a fair market but also protect the government from bankrupting itself from market excesses. Adam Smith would have understood the need for this and would not be calling for deregulation as modern Republicans have been doing.

    The issue here is that when individual self-interest promotes the healthy working of the market place then the government should stay of the way. However, the government exists to make sure it protects “every member of society from the injustice or oppression of every other member of it”. While it may be in the interest of oil companies to “drill baby drill” it may not be in the interest of the environment and therefore, other members of society to let them do it merely to increase their profits. The government’s job is to make sure the market protects other members of society whose self-interest may be damaged by one group’s profit incentive in the market.

    Adam Smith even recognized that the ‘free market’ was not a panacea that could solve all social ills. He stated that a primary function of government was to take care of public works and public institutions where the “profit could never repay the expense” of doing the project. It is certainly arguable that health care insurance providers and education could come under this rubric. It is not the profit interest of health care insurance providers to cover certain risky population groups or chronic illnesses. In order to maximize their profits it is in their interest to ‘cherry pick’ their clientele and drop clients that are a drain on the system. It would be hard to believe that anyone could seriously argue that health care insurance providers have not had quite a long history that illustrates this point. Additionally, while a very good private education is certainly feasible, the cost would prohibit many classes of society from being able to obtain an education. Education for a profit certainly works for those that can pay but simply ignoring the others that cannot pay is not in the long term interest of a society. Adam Smith argued that education is a public work when he we wrote:

    “The same thing may be said of the gross ignorance and stupidity which, in a civilized society, seem so frequently to benumb the understandings of all the inferior ranks of people. A man without the proper use of the intellectual faculties of a man, is, if possible, more contemptible than even a coward, and seems to be mutilated and deformed in a still more essential part of the character of human nature. Though the state was to derive no advantage from the instruction of the inferior ranks of people, it would still deserve its attention that they should not be altogether uninstructed. The state, however, derives no inconsiderable advantage from their instruction. The more they are instructed the less liable they are to the delusions of enthusiasm and superstition, which, among ignorant nations, frequently occasion the most dreadful disorders. An instructed and intelligent people, besides, are always more decent and orderly than an ignorant and stupid one. They feel themselves, each individually, more respectable and more likely to obtain the respect of their lawful superiors, and they are therefore more disposed to respect those superiors. They are more disposed to examine, and more capable of seeing through, the interested complaints of faction and sedition, and they are, upon that account, less apt to be misled into any wanton or unnecessary opposition to the measures of government. In free countries, where the safety of government depends very much upon the favorable judgment which the people may form of its conduct, it must surely be of the highest importance that they should not be disposed to judge rashly or capriciously concerning it.”[13]

    While this may seem to promote a certain kind of equality, it is really “the duty of erecting and maintaining certain public works and certain public institutions, which it can never be for the interest of any individual or small number of individuals, to erect and maintain”.

    The government is not a cancerous growth of society but just as essential as referees and rules are to games of sport. Getting rid of government is cutting off your nose to spite your face. It ignores the need for a market framework where fairness and protections are ensured. It should restrain monopolies and market bubbles that would cause cost to be “the highest which can be squeezed out of the buyers”. It is also responsible for filling in gaps that self-interest and profit cannot address. Karl Marx and Adam Smith both addressed the inherent exploitation built into an economy. Protecting individuals from economic exploitation is vital for an economy as socialism and Adam Smith understood. Karl Marx went further with trying to embody elements of protections for ‘self-interested’ individuals into an economy. Adam Smith understood the human need for aspiration, the need to dream, and tried to embody this in the economy of capitalism.

    What is dreamed must pertain to me and not to an abstraction about the state or egalitarianism. An ‘aspiration of the state’ is too abstract from the self-interested point of view. However, the abstract notion of an ‘aspiration for the state’ is not inconsequential – it is the aim of morality or what Adam Smith termed sympathy[14] (more like what we think of as empathy). Morality aims at egalitarianism in that it places oneself in the place of the other for Adam Smith.

    “However selfish man may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though they derive nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it.”[15]

    When I refer to morality, I am speaking specifically about the natural empathy that many people have for the suffering of others. There are very few people that proclaim outright that if you do not work just go ahead and starve to death. For most of us, we may think that those who do not work will not eat but few are willing to let children, elderly, handicapped or even lazy people die before our eyes. The same holds true for health care. We do not want to pay for others health care but the idea of just letting people die without it is abhorrent. This is why we are willing to pay more for emergency room health care than to address the issues systemically and at a lower cost. Most of us will not overtly proclaim that if you do not have health insurance go off somewhere and die. Few will proudly state that if you do not have shelter go live on the street (just not my street). While there is a certain chest beating, cathartic youthfulness about these proclamations it offends most people’s sense of responsiveness to these situations. It may help some to think that suffering is the fault of the person suffering (as certainly may be the case for some) but pushing this very far starts to look like ‘protesting too much’ and really serves only to show that the pull of morality is felt only reacted to negatively and defensively.

    This feeling of responsibility for the suffering for others is what I mean by morality. From the point of view of ‘my aspirations’, the suffering of the other is irrelevant. From the ideal of pure self-interestedness there is no place for this feeling. If the self is thought as the absolute metaphysic of individualism, the sole property owner, it does not serve the absolute interest of the self to care about the suffering of others; much less do anything about it that will not directly benefit the self. While morality is an abstraction from the point of view of self-interestedness, it is nevertheless a notion that most are not willing to depart with. Our self-interestedness tells us not to pay for anyone other than ourselves but the pull of morality will not let us ignore the suffering of the other. Morality is the ghost of our group involvement. It is the basis for the inevitability and indispensability of the state.

    As I have discussed while our metaphysics of individualism compels us towards an aspirational future, our realistic, daily involvements are fundamentally based on language, community and group. The capitalistic goal for moving into the upper class is itself a self-interested aspiration that embodies the notion of class, the group. All this shows us that individualism is perforated with group involvement and community. We are indebted to the other whether we acknowledge it or not. While chest beating individualism may be fun for some, individualism, the sole property owner, is essentially a dream, a drama that gives us meaning in our ‘me-only’ self-centeredness. However, individualism ignores the real ways in which we participate with others and are always already indebted to the other.

    Karl Marx went further than leaving the option of morality up to every self-interested individual. Adam Smith as well understood the role of government in achieving the affluence and security of individuals in an economy, protecting them from exploitation and providing public works projects. The communist notion of equalitarianism failed to make everything equal in terms of labor and preventing exploitation. However, socialism attempts legal protections of groups and individuals that aim at fairness, equal opportunity, an equal playing field and protections in an economy. It is important to note that ‘equal’ here is not some absolute ideal of equalitarianism as in communism but should be thought under the rubric of fairness. Marx fleshed out possibilities for how this could work more than Adam Smith but Adam Smith would probably have more in common with the objectives of Karl Marx’ than many of the modern Republican, the neo-conservative, advocates of capitalism.

    In any case, we are neither socialists nor capitalist; we are both. The ideal of either is not where we live. This is why there never has been a pure capitalism or a pure socialism. All great economies have essential elements of both. Beating others over the head with these labels may make some feel good but it is only a silly drama that fuels an inflated ego. These kinds of accusations can also be used to manipulate less aware people but it is really only empty rhetoric. The outcome of such practices is a chronic condition called hate and only hurts the hater in the long run. I believe it is better to ‘see’ how we live and try to ‘understand’ our drives and aspirations as they show themselves without metaphysical hermeneutics, pre-cognitive dispositions and assumptions, working below the surface. There is value in letting ourselves see and understand ourselves as we are and not in the service of some head game we play on ourselves. In all great economies, socialism and capitalism are really only two different historical ways of thinking about the same thing – an economy that works.


    [10] http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch05.htm

    [11] Capital, Vol. I, Chapter 1, Section 4 (p. 78); Also see http://www.lrp-cofi.org/book/chapter3_transitiontosocialism.pdf

    [12] Adam Smith, Wealth Of Nations, ([1776] 1976, 687–88)

    [13] Ibid, (WN V.i.f.61: 788)

    [14] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Adam Smith, http://www.iep.utm.edu/smith/

    [15] The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Adam Smith (TMS I.i.1.1)