Category Archives: Politics

Marx Vis-à-vis Lorenzo

In this essay, Lorenzo states:

“All of which has made it easier, alas, for one of Marx’s more profound errors to become part of many people’s common wisdom. An idea set out in the first chapter of Das Kapital:”

He goes on to quote Marx from Das Kapital:

“…[commodities of equal value] must, as exchange values, be replaceable by each other, or equal to each other. Therefore, first: the valid exchange values of a given commodity express something equal; secondly, exchange value, generally, is only the mode of expression, the phenomenal form, of something contained in it, yet distinguishable from it.” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

After quoting Das Kapital Lorenzo, goes on to state:

“The notion that exchange is a matter of matching equivalences keeps turning up in the writings of anthropologists on money. It is a deeply wrong-headed way to look at exchange.” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

If this is the “The insidious reach of error” then Marx would agree. Lorenzo should take a closer look at the text. Let’s take a closer look at the actual text from Section 1 of Das Kapital. Das Kapital begins with this:

“The wealth of those societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails, presents itself as “an immense accumulation of commodities,”[1] its unit being a single commodity. Our investigation must therefore begin with the analysis of a commodity.

A commodity is, in the first place, an object outside us, a thing that by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or another. The nature of such wants, whether, for instance, they spring from the stomach or from fancy, makes no difference.[2] Neither are we here concerned to know how the object satisfies these wants, whether directly as means of subsistence, or indirectly as means of production. ” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

Marx begins with an analysis of the ‘commodity’. He wants to think what is a commodity? What is a commodities value? The title of Chapter 1, Section 1 in Das Kapital is “THE TWO FACTORS OF A COMMODITY: USE-VALUE AND VALUE (THE SUBSTANCE OF VALUE AND THE MAGNITUDE OF VALUE)”. He starts out with a discussion of the utility of the thing [commodity] as its use value. He goes on to state, “Use values become a reality only by use or consumption: they also constitute the substance of all wealth, whatever may be the social form of that wealth. In the form of society we are about to consider, they are, in addition, the material depositories of exchange value”. Therefore in the “form of society we are about to consider” [i.e., capitalism] the use value is the “material depositories of exchange value”. He is not stating that HE thinks commodities, as exchange values, are replaceable by each other, are equal to each other, but that this is how capitalism treats commodities. To the contrary, he is going to criticize this perception as Lorenzo also wants to do.

Marx goes on to state before the next paragraph that Lorenzo quotes:

“Exchange value, at first sight, presents itself as a quantitative relation, as the proportion in which values in use of one sort are exchanged for those of another sort,[6] a relation constantly changing with time and place. Hence exchange value appears to be something accidental and purely relative, and consequently an intrinsic value, i.e., an exchange value that is inseparably connected with, inherent in commodities, seems a contradiction in terms.[7] Let us consider the matter a little more closely.” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

So, at first sight, exchange value is a quantitative relation and as such APPEARS to be something accidental and purely relative. In exchange value, commodities are thought as “a quarter of wheat is exchanged for x blacking, y silk, or z gold, &c. – in short, for other commodities in the most different proportions”. The exchange value thought in terms of quantity is taken as an intrinsic property of the commodity. Marx states that this “seems a contradiction in terms”. He goes on to state, “In the same way the exchange values of commodities must be capable of being expressed in terms of something common to them all, of which thing they represent a greater or less quantity”. The “something common to them all” “cannot be either a geometrical, a chemical, or any other natural property of commodities. Such properties claim our attention only in so far as they affect the utility of those commodities, make them use values. But the exchange of commodities is evidently an act characterised by a total abstraction from use value. Then one use value is just as good as another, provided only it be present in sufficient quantity”. Marx is suggesting that the equality of commodities in exchange value is a “total abstraction”. Marx further states, “As use values, commodities are, above all, of different qualities, but as exchange values they are merely different quantities, and consequently do not contain an atom of use value”. Marx thinks that the equality thought in terms of exchange value leaves out something very important about commodities – the labor value. Marx states:

“If then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour. But even the product of labour itself has undergone a change in our hands. If we make abstraction from its use value, we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the products themselves, we put out of sight both the useful character of the various kinds of labour embodied in them, and the concrete forms of that labour; there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract.” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

Marx is criticizing the reduction, the abstraction, of value as purely and merely quantitative. He wants to claim that the value of a commodity is more than an ‘equality’, a number, a proportion. He wants to say that the labor that goes into making a commodity is not merely an abstraction but a real, concrete value of the commodity. Therefore, the question of the value of a commodity is not merely a question of the exchange of quantities but gets to what Lorenzo want to ask about money, where do we derive a sense of the value of money?

In Chapter 1, Section 3 (The Equivalent form of value) Marx states, “The body of the commodity that serves as the equivalent, figures as the materialisation of human labour in the abstract, and is at the same time the product of some specifically useful concrete labour. This concrete labour becomes, therefore, the medium for expressing abstract human labour”. Here again Marx wants to show how concrete labor gets articulated into abstraction when thought in terms of equivocation. It is interesting to note that Adam Smith also subscribed to the classical labor theory of value (see Wealth of Nations Book 1, chapter V). The labor theory of value can also be found in Aristotle’s Politics. Moreover, Plato has much discussion of techne [crudely technique or skill] as what, in effect, distinguishes human being and transforms the very being and origin of matter into created rather than natural beings [for an excellent discussion of techne and Aristotle see Heidegger and Aristotle The Twofoldness of Being, Walter A. Brogan, link].

Lorenzo takes this quote by Marx:

“The utility of a thing makes it a use value. But this utility is not a thing of air. Being limited by the physical properties of the commodity, it has no existence apart from that commodity.” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

and states:

“This is wrong, for utility is utility to someone. So, the utility of a thing does have existence apart from that commodity, it exists in the relation of the thing to the purposes of anyone who has a use for it.”

Marx is not suggesting that utility exists only in the commodity and not in relation to someone. Marx’s theory of use value means that a coat may not have the same value in a tropical country as in a colder climate (“Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value” quoted below). Marx states there are cases where a thing with use value may not have value such as air and soil. He also states that a thing can have use value but not be a commodity if a person directly satisfies his wants with the produce of his own labor. In order for a thing with use value to be a commodity, Marx states that a commodity must have “use values for others, social use values”. When Lorenzo states that Marx “is wrong” and that “utility is utility for someone” he directly contradicts what Marx states below concerning use value as “use values for others, social use values”:

“A thing can be a use value, without having value. This is the case whenever its utility to man is not due to labour. Such are air, virgin soil, natural meadows, &c. A thing can be useful, and the product of human labour, without being a commodity. Whoever directly satisfies his wants with the produce of his own labour, creates, indeed, use values, but not commodities. In order to produce the latter, he must not only produce use values, but use values for others, social use values. (And not only for others, without more. The mediaeval peasant produced quit-rent-corn for his feudal lord and tithe-corn for his parson. But neither the quit-rent-corn nor the tithe-corn became commodities by reason of the fact that they had been produced for others. To become a commodity a product must be transferred to another, whom it will serve as a use value, by means of an exchange.)[12] Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value. “(Chapter 1, Section 1)

Additionally, Marx clearly states that there are things that have use value that are not commodities. If they have use value for others, the product of labor gives the commodity value.

After getting Marx wrong on utility and exchange he goes on to get Marx wrong on the value of labor. Lorenzo states:

“Having got utility and equivalence wrong, Marx then moves on to the third false claim:”

He then quotes Marx as stating:

“if then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour.” (Chapter 1, Section 1)

After quoting Marx Lorenzo states:

“Which is also not true. Commodities also have the qualities of being made of materials (what economists call ‘land’) and by tools (what economists call ‘capital’); labour on its own produces little or nothing.

Even more basically, to be exchanged, such things have to be controlled by someone. Locke’s metaphor that a person in the state of nature acquires something by “mixing his labour” with it is misleading: what they do is take control of it (and, more importantly, that control is acknowledged by others). Any contribution of labour to exchange—whether in production or the realisation of value in exchange—is framed by such control: as is also true of land and capital. Moreover, the control has to matter: the thing has to have sufficient scarcity and be sufficiently wanted by someone for such control to matter. We can control a twig, but who cares? (Acknowledged) control, scarcity and wanting are the bases of exchange.”

Yet, from the previous quote of Marx, we see that things can have use value that are not the product of labor as when the “case whenever its utility to man is not due to labour. Such are air, virgin soil, natural meadows”. Marx is not suggesting that land cannot be bought and sold, he is simply stating that natural elements can have use value without being commodities. As far as I know air is not being sold yet. Lorenzo states commodities have to be “controlled by someone”. Does this contradict Marx when Marx writes, “To become a commodity a product must be transferred to another, whom it will serve as a use value, by means of an exchange”? I am not sure what Lorenzo’s point is about ‘tools’ since tools are most often the product of labor.

It is astonishing that on virtually every point Lorenzo gets it wrong in direct contradiction to what Marx writes in the exact text that Lorenzo quotes. However, to be clear, apart from getting Marx wrong, I think I agree with some of his latter, main points. I like the way Lorenzo distinguishes between equivalence and intersection. Lorenzo states:

“The search for a “common property” in things exchanged is completely wrong-headed, because exchange is a matter of intersecting differences, not matching equivalences.”

Certainly we can see cases where labor does and should add to the value of a commodity. However, if a fine coat shop opens up in the Caribbean it would be no surprise to Marx that the labor value in the coats would not be worth much as previously stated. Yes, the value of a commodity will change with demand. I am fully aware that Marx wants to make the labor value of a commodity more solid, a “common property”, than the ‘abstraction’ of exchange values. I think Marx does want to erect a protectionist strategy for the laborer by encapsulating the value of labor in the commodity. However, the encapsulation is not an either/or scenario and does work within bounds and limitations as I have pointed out. In any case I think Lorenzo wants to make a more substantial break with value as residing in a commodity. In this sense I take Lorenzo’s point about “intersecting differences”.

I think it is important to have some understanding of Hegel to really make sense of Marx. Dialectical materialism, a phrase coined after Marx, was the science that “put Hegel’s dialectics back on its feet”. Dialecticism was Hegel’s method of thesis, antithesis and synthesis (aufhebung conserves the thesis and the antithesis and transcends them both). Marx thought that the idealism of Hegel got it wrong with its movement toward Spirit, the concretization of Truth in pure logic, in Hegel’s master work, The Science of Logic (Wissenschaft der Logik). Marx employed the dialectics of Hegel but in service of the history of class struggle. The ‘Spiritalization’ of Hegel was the domain of the bourgeoisie. It was a fairy tale the bourgeois told themselves while basking themselves in the materials of other’s labor. The bourgeois abstract away from the material and also devalue the products of laborers (in the material form of unfair or low wages or even slavery). They reshape societal values after their own abstract values of God, Truth, eternity and spiritualization at the expense of the working class. They make value a product of their abstract fetish and not a product of labor. The concretization of Truth does not happen in thought but in objective matter according to Marx. However, this concretization is not as simple as Lorenzo would have us believe. A noted Marxist scholar puts it this way [I apologize for the long quote]:

“Marx defines the concrete as ‘the unity of diverse aspects. [Marx, Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy] This definition may appear paradoxical from the standpoint of traditional formal logic: the reduction of the sensually given diversity to unity appears at first sight to be the task of abstract knowledge of things rather than of concrete one. From the point of view of this logic, to realise unity in the sensually perceived diversity of phenomena means to reveal the abstractly general, identical elements that all of these phenomena possess. This abstract unity, recorded in consciousness by means of a general term, appears at first sight to be that very ‘unity’ which is the only thing to be treated in logic.

When Marx defines the concrete as unity of diverse aspects, he assumes a dialectical interpretation of unity, diversity, and of their relationship. In dialectics, unity is interpreted first and foremost as connection, as interconnection and interaction of different phenomena within a certain system or agglomeration, and not as abstract likeness of these phenomena. Marx’s definition assumes exactly this dialectical meaning of the term ‘unity’.

This conception of unity in diversity (or concreteness) is not merely different from the one which old logic proceeded from, but is its direct opposite. The conception approaches that of the concept of integrity or wholeness. Marx uses this term in those cases when he has to characterise the object as an integral whole unified in all its diverse manifestations, as an organic system of mutually conditioning phenomena in contradiction to a metaphysical conception of it as a mechanical agglomeration of immutable constituent parts that are linked with each other only externally, more or less accidentally.

The most important aspect of Marx’s definition of the concrete is that the concrete is treated first of all as an objective characteristic of a thing considered quite independently from any evolutions that may take place in the cognising subject. The object is concrete by and in itself, independent from its being conceived by thought or perceived by sense organs. Concreteness is not created in the process of reflection of the object by the subject either at the sensual stage of reflection or at the rational-logical one.

In other words, ‘the concrete’ is first of all the same kind of objective category as any other category of materialist dialectics, as ‘the necessary’ and ‘the accidental’, ‘essence, and ‘appearance’. It expresses a universal form of development of nature, society, and thinking. In the system of Marx’s views, ‘the concrete’ is by no means a synonym for the sensually given, immediately contemplated.

Insofar as ‘the concrete’ is opposed to ‘the abstract’ the latter is treated by Marx first and foremost objectively. For Marx, it is by no means a synonym of the ‘purely ideal’, of a product of mental activity, a synonym of the subjectively psychological phenomenon occurring in man’s brain only. Time and again Marx uses this term to characterise real phenomena and relations existing outside consciousness, irrespective of whether they are reflected in consciousness or not.

For instance, Marx speaks in Capital of abstract labour. Abstractness appears here as an objective characteristic of the form which human labour assumes in developed commodity production, in capitalist production. Elsewhere he stresses that the reduction of different kinds of labour to uniform simple labour devoid of any distinctions ‘is an abstraction which is made every day in the social process of production’. It is ‘no less real (an abstraction) than the resolution of all organic bodies into air’. [Marx, Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy]

The definition of gold as material being of abstract wealth also expresses its specific function in the organism of the capitalist formation and not in the consciousness of the theoretician or practical worker, by any means.

This use of the term ‘abstract’ is not a terminological whim of Marx’s at all: it is linked with the very essence of his logical views, with the dialectical interpretation of the relation of forms of thinking and those of objective reality, with the view of practice (sensual activity involving objects) as a criterion of the truth of the abstractions of thought.

Still less can this usage be explained as ‘a throwback to Hegelianism’: it is against Hegel that Marx’s proposition is directed to the effect that ‘the simplest economic category, e.g., exchange value … cannot exist except as an abstract, unilateral relation of an already existing concrete organic whole ‘. [ibid.]

‘The abstract’ in this kind of context, very frequent in Marx, assumes the meaning of the ‘simple’, undeveloped, one-sided, fragmentary, ‘pure’ (i.e., uncomplicated) by any deforming influences). It goes without saying that ‘the abstract’ in this sense can be an objective characteristic of real phenomena, and not only of phenomena of consciousness.

‘It is precisely the predominance of agricultural peoples in the ancient world which caused the merchant nations – Phoenicians, Carthaginians – to develop in such purity (abstract precision)’ [ibid.]; it was not, of course, the result of predominance of the ‘abstractive power of thought’ of Phoenicians or the scholars writing the history of Phoenicia. ‘The abstract’ in this sense is by no means the product and result of thinking. This fact is just as little dependent on thinking as the circumstance that ‘the abstract law of multiplying exists only for plants and animals’.

According to Marx, ‘the abstract’ (just as its counterpart, ‘the concrete’) is a category of dialectics as the science of universal forms of development of nature, society and thought, and on this basis also a category of logic, for dialectics is also the Logic of Marxism.

This objective interpretation of the category of the abstract is spearheaded against all kinds of neo-Kantian logic and epistemology which oppose, in a crudely metaphysical way, ‘pure forms of thought’ to forms of objective reality. For these schools in logic, ‘the abstract’ is only a form of thought, whereas ‘the concrete’, a form of a sensually given image. This interpretation, in the Mill-Humean and Kantian traditions in logic (e.g., Chelpanov and Vvedensky in Russia), is alien and hostile to the very essence of dialectics as logic and theory of knowledge.

The narrow epistemological (that is, essentially psychological, in the final analysis) interpretation of the categories of the abstract and the concrete became firmly rooted in modern bourgeois philosophy. Here is a fresh example – definitions from the Philosophical Dictionary by Max Apel and Peter Ludz [Berlin 1958]:

‘abstract: divorced from a given connection and considered by itself only. Thus abstract acquires the meaning of conceptual, conceived, in opposition to given in contemplation.

‘abstraction: the logical process for ascending, through omission of features, from that given in contemplation to a general notion and from the given concept to a more general one. Abstraction decreases the content and extends the volume. Opposed to determination.

‘concrete: the immediately given in contemplation; concrete concepts denote that which is contemplated, individual objects of contemplation. Opposed to abstract.’

This one-sided definition (abstraction is, of course, mental separation, among other things, but it is by no means reducible to it) varies but insignificantly from dictionary to dictionary. It has been polished in dozens of editions and has become generally accepted among philosophers in capitalist countries. That is certainly no proof of its correctness.

A ‘concrete concept’ is reduced by these definitions to ‘designating’ the sensually contemplated individual things, to a mere sign, or symbol. In other words, ‘the concrete’ is only nominally present in thought, only in the capacity of the ‘designating name’. On the other hand, .’the concrete’ is made into a synonym of uninterpreted, indefinite ‘sensual givenness’. Neither the concrete nor the abstract can, according to these definitions, be used as characteristics of theoretical knowledge in regard of its real objective content. They characterise only the ‘form of cognition’: ‘the concrete’, the form of sensual cognition, and ‘the abstract’, the form of thought, the form of rational cognition. In other words, they belong to different spheres of the psyche, to different objects. There is nothing abstract where there is something concrete, and vice versa. That is all there is to these definitions.

The problem of the relation of the abstract to the concrete appears in quite a different light from Marx’s point of view, the point of view of dialectics as logic and theory of knowledge.

It is only at first sight that this question might seem a), merely ‘epistemological’ one, a question of the relation of’, a mental abstraction to the sensually perceived image. In; actual fact its real content is much wider and deeper than.’ that, and it is inevitably supplanted by quite a different problem in the course of analysis – the problem of the relation of the object to itself, that is, relationship between different elements within a certain concrete whole. That is why the problem is solved, first and foremost, within the framework of objective dialectics – the teaching of the universal forms and laws of development of nature, society and thought itself, and not on the narrow epistemological plane, as neo-Kantians and positivists do.

Insofar as Marx treats the epistemological aspect of the problem, he interprets the abstract as any one-sided, incomplete, lopsided reflection of the object in consciousness, as opposed to concrete knowledge which is well developed, all-round, comprehensive knowledge. It does not matter at all in what subjective psychological form this knowledge is ‘experienced’ by the subject – in sensually perceived images or in abstract verbal form. The logic (dialectics) of Marx and Lenin establishes its distinctions in regard of the objective sense and meaning of knowledge rather than in regard of the subjective form of experience. Poor, meagre, lopsided knowledge may be assimilated in the form of a sensual image. In this case, logic will have to define it as ‘abstract’ knowledge, despite its being embodied in a sensually given image. Contrariwise, abstract verbal form, the language of formulas, may express rich, well-developed, profound and comprehensive knowledge, that is, concrete knowledge.

‘Concreteness’ is neither a synonym for nor a privilege of the sensual-image form of reflection of reality in consciousness, just as ‘abstractness’ is not a specific characteristic of rational theoretical knowledge. Certainly we speak, as often as not, of the concreteness of a sensual image and of abstract thought.

A sensual image, an image of contemplation, may just as often be very abstract, too. Suffice it to remember a geometric figure or a work of abstract painting. And vice versa, thinking in concepts may and even must be concrete in the full and strict meaning of the word. We know that there is no abstract truth, that truth is always concrete. And that does not mean at all that only the sensually perceived image, the contemplation of an individual thing may be true.

The concrete in thinking also appears, according to Marx’s definition, in the form of combination (synthesis) of numerous definitions. A logically coherent system of definitions is precisely that ‘natural’ form in which concrete truth is realised in thought. Each of the definitions forming part of the system naturally reflects only a part, a fragment, an element, an aspect of the concrete reality – and that is why it is abstract if taken by itself, separately from other definitions. In other words, the concrete is realised in thinking through the abstract, through its own opposite, and it is impossible without it. But that is, in general, the rule rather than an exception in dialectics. Necessity is in just the same kind of relation with chance, essence with appearance, and so on.

On the other hand, each of the numerous definitions forming part of the conceptual system of a concrete science, loses its abstract character in it, being filled with the sense and meaning of all the other definitions connected with it. Separate abstract definitions mutually complement each other, so that the abstractness of each of them, taken separately, is overcome. In short, herein lies the dialectics of the relation of the abstract to the concrete in thinking which reflects the concrete in reality. The dialectics of the abstract and the concrete in the course of theoretical processing of the material of living contemplation, in processing the results of contemplation and notions in terms of concepts is the subject-matter of study in the present work.

Of course, we cannot claim to offer an exhaustive solution to the problem of the abstract and the concrete at all the stages of the process of cognition in general, in all forms of reflection. The formation of the sensually perceived image of a thing involves its own dialectics of the abstract and the concrete, and a very complicated one, and that is even more true of the formation of the notion connected with speech, with words. Memory, which also plays an enormous role in cognition, contains in its structure a no less complex relation of the abstract to the concrete. These categories also have a bearing on artistic creativity. We are compelled to leave all of these aspects out of consideration, as subject-matter of a special study.

The path of cognition loading from living contemplation to abstract thought and from it to practice, is a very complicated path. A complex and dialectically contradictory transformation of the concrete into the abstract and vice versa takes place in each link of this path. Even sensation gives a rougher picture of reality than it actually is, even in direct perception there is an element of transition from the concrete in reality to the abstract in consciousness. The transition from living contemplation to abstract thought is by no means the same thing as the movement ‘from the concrete to the abstract’. It is by no means reducible to this moment, although the latter is always present in it. It is the same thing only for those who interpret the concrete as a synonym of an immediate sensual image, and the abstract, as a synonym of the mental, the ideal, the conceptual.” (Ilyenkov, The dialectics of the Abstract & the Concrete in Marx’s Capital, Chapter One – Dialectical & Metaphysical Conception of the Concrete, The Definition of the Concrete in Marx, link)

There is some common ground with “the unity of diverse aspects” and Lorenzo’s “points of intersection, not points of equivalence”. To reiterate, Marx thought of “points of equivalence” “against Hegel that Marx’s proposition is directed to the effect that ‘the simplest economic category, e.g., exchange value … cannot exist except as an abstract, unilateral relation of an already existing concrete organic whole”. The “concrete organic whole” for Marx is the physical product of labor.

What I hope has become evident in this pitting of Lorenzo and Marx is the leap that I think Lorenzo would make (which I think has some better articulated similarities with some Postmodernists) that is a leap away from the consolidation of value in labor, in the material commodity, and an absolute break in the notion of any kind of unity in the commodity or even perhaps (?) the isolation of the commodity as a thing ‘in the market’ of exchange. I would be interested in how far he would like to take this in more detail. However, there is one danger I would flag along this way, we should pay attention to: At what point does this non sequitur, this undecipherable point of intersection (in terms of intrinsic value and market/labor causality), become a abstract rationalization for the impoverishment of the laborer (yet again)? This epistemological move would constitute the mystification in service of the bourgeois that Marx criticizes in the equivalence and free floating form of exchange. Personally, I am not decided as I think I could assist putting even more flesh to the bones that Lorenzo wants to articulate in light of contemporary philosophy. However, that would be another book. In general, I think I like many of Lorenzo’s directions but I think he has taken some lumps where a better defense and point of attack could be made for his positions. I would hope that this essay has been an attempt of one case and point of this.

I think the best Marx can do for us at this juncture in history is to provoke our sense of integrity. Should we have any values to preserve or protect the laborer or the middle class? Is lassie faire sufficient? By extension, should we have any concern for those with immediate and vital human needs and if so, at what point should we be concerned? Is the environment worthy of regulatory concern? More generally what constitutes ‘regulatory’ and what are its legitimate bounds? [Note 1] These more direct concerns still circulate around the issues Marx articulates and the potential for the oblivion of the free market to fairness (justice in the Greek sense). Is ‘fairness’ a concept we should even think together with the free market or is the free market just another name for the war of all against all, in a ‘social contract’ sense at best, and an inevitable, perpetual revolution at worst? Is the materiality of the commodity the locus of value or is value a random and ultimately disconnected concept [free floating and prone to manipulation]? These are all questions Marx and other philosophers have raised in quite intricate and thoughtful detail. We can content ourselves with platitudes about these thinkers or let the force of the original questions they posed shake our foundations.

[Note 1] For example, is The Bill of Rights a regulatory document par excellence (i.e., religion, speech, press, assembly, right to bear arms, petition, quartering of troops, search and seizure, grand jury, double jeopardy, self-incrimination, due process, jury trial (criminal and civil), right to confront and to counsel, excess bail or fines, cruel and unusual punishment, non-enumerated rights, rights reserved to states)? Do rights also effectively regulate? If so, are these the only allowable regulations? Why, especially considering the Ninth Amendment [non-enumerated rights]?

What the Republican National Committee Wants You to Think

This is what the RNC wants you to believe about President Obama:

U.S. Federal Government Spending

TOTAL OUTLAYS: 2000–2017

 

This is what actually happened:

U.S. Federal Government Spending

TOTAL OUTLAYS: 2000–2017

 

The RED line indicates what would have happened had Bush remained in office. The BLUE line indicates what really happened.

Conclusion:

President Obama was a huge improvement on President Bush when it comes to spending and the deficit.

The RNC lies.

Republican ideology and economics have not changed. If you want to go back to the RED line, vote for Romney.

 

Please, do yourself a favor and check out the REAL facts:

Myths Exposed: President Obama is Responsible for Historic U.S. Federal Debt and Spending Levels

A Response

A Response

In response to this comment…

If you look at the attached article to the chart, you will see that Ezra Klein reports 4.7 trillion dollars:

“When Obama took office, the national debt was about $10.5 trillion. Today, it’s about $15.2 trillion. Simple subtraction gets you the answer preferred by most of Obama’s opponents: $4.7 trillion.”

The chart was not done by the Washington Post; it was done by The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

I will also quote a large section of Klein’s article here:

“But ask yourself: Which of Obama’s policies added $4.7 trillion to the debt? The stimulus? That was just a bit more than $800 billion. TARP? That passed under George W. Bush, and most of it has been repaid.

There is a way to tally the effects Obama has had on the deficit. Look at every piece of legislation he has signed into law. Every time Congress passes a bill, either the Congressional Budget Office or the Joint Committee on Taxation estimates the effect it will have on the budget over the next 10 years. And then they continue to estimate changes to those bills. If you know how to read their numbers, you can come up with an estimate that zeros in on the laws Obama has had a hand in.

The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities was kind enough to help me come up with a comprehensive estimate of Obama’s effect on the deficit. As it explained to me, it’s harder than it sounds.

Obama, for instance, is clearly responsible for the stimulus. The health-care law, too.

When Obama entered office, the Bush tax cuts were already in place and two wars were ongoing. Is it fair to blame Obama for war costs four months after he was inaugurated, or tax collections 10 days after he took office?

So the center built a baseline that includes everything that predated Obama and everything we knew about the path of the economy and the actual trajectory of spending through August 2011. Deviations from the baseline represent decisions made by the Obama administration. Then we measured the projected cost of Obama’s policies.

In two instances, this made Obama’s policies look more costly. First, both Democrats and Republicans tend to think the scheduled expiration of the Bush tax cuts is a quirky budget technicality, and their full extension should be assumed. In that case, voting for their extension looks costless, and they cannot be blamed for the resulting increase in deficits. I consider that a dodge, and so I added Obama’s decision to extend the Bush tax cuts for two years — at a total cost of $620 billion — to his total. If Obama follows through on his promise to extend all the cuts for income under $250,000 in 2013, it will add trillions more to the deficit.”

Additionally, I will quote a substantial portion of the FactCheck link you cited:

“In fact, the upward trend began with Ronald Reagan’s fiscal 1982 budget, declined somewhat from fiscal 1997 through 2001, and resumed the upward climb with George W. Bush’s first budget in fiscal 2002 (which started Oct. 1, 2001).

And the rise accelerated as the economy slid into the worst recession since the Great Depression, starting in December 2007. As the economy shrank, the debt-to-GDP ratio jumped 5 percentage points in the fiscal year that started Oct. 1, 2007, and another 14.8 percentage points during the following year. Obama took office nearly one-third of the way into that 12-month period. At the time, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office was projecting the deficit for that fiscal year would be $1.2 trillion. It later rose to $1.4 trillion after enactment of Obama’s economic stimulus package, to be followed by back-to-back deficits of nearly $1.3 trillion in fiscal 2010 and $1.3 trillion again in fiscal 2011. CBO just projected the deficit for the current fiscal year, ending Sept. 30, will be $1.1 trillion.

A caution: The chart we’ve shown here is for total debt, including money the government owes to itself, chiefly through the Social Security trust funds. But a chart tracking only the debt owed to the public would show a similar shape. CBO projects that the debt owed to the public was nearly 68 percent of GDP in the fiscal year that ended Sept. 30, and will reach 73 percent this year and exceed 75 percent at the end of fiscal 2013.

We won’t attempt here to assess which side is more to blame for the mounting debt, or how much of the increase is Obama’s fault. Washington Post columnist Ezra Klein argues that the economic stimulus and other Obama policies account for just under $1 trillion of the debt added since he took office, while Bush added $5.1 trillion in his eight years — mostly due to tax cuts and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. On the other hand, former Washington Post reporter Eric Pianin and others fault Obama for not getting more strongly behind the recommendations of his own deficit-reduction commission more than a year ago. Obama agreed to extend Bush’s tax cuts for two years, even as his commission called for tax reform. And he attacked Republican proposals to hold down the cost of Medicare, despite the commission’s call to move beyond the “phantom savings” in his own health care law, savings the commission said “will never materialize.””

So, the answer is both articles are correct. Here is what I think should be the lessons:

  1. If the source (i.e., Washington Post) is incorrect we should show exactly how it is incorrect and detail where it went wrong. To just say it is wrong and not explain why leaves the matter up to faith (i.e., whatever one’s ideology predisposes one to believe). I think there are objective facts that can prove the reality of the situation (either, neither or some of both ways). In any case, we do not have to leave it up to ideology.
  2. To imply that President Obama made 4.7 trillion dollars worth of bills is misleading at best and I prefer to say a “lie” of the right. True there was 4.7 trillion dollars added to the debt after Obama took office. However, it is hardly fair to blame Obama for all the mandatory spending that he did not originate or much of the discretionary spending. In 2010 mandatory spending was 55% of the budget and defense discretionary was 20%. This amounts to 75% of the 2010 budget. 6% was interest on the debt. The remaining 19% was all the rest of the discretionary spending. If you look at Figure 5 of the CBO report I cited in the essay (http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/cbofiles/attachments/10-26-DiscretionarySpending_Testimony.pdf) on page 22 of the pdf you will see that defense discretionary has been going down since the Bush years due to Obama’s budget and the Budget Control Act that President Obama signed into law on August 2, 2011 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Budget_Control_Act). This was also the bill that created the “super committee” which will have further dramatic effects on the budget going ahead if we go over the “fiscal cliff”. If you state that President Obama increased the debt 4.7 trillion dollars then I think it is also your responsibility to state exactly how he, personally, added 4.7 trillion to the debt. Otherwise, you are only repeating political propaganda that only reinforces dogma and does nothing the gives folks the facts they need to think critically.
  3. Even according to the FactCheck link the “debt-to-GDP ratio jumped 5 percentage points in the fiscal year that started Oct. 1, 2007, and another 14.8 percentage points during the following year”. The recession pushed more folks towards the federal poverty limit which put more people on entitlement. However, the middle class had been sliding that way for some time before Obama, they just went down faster after the recession. The CBO and Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) also agree on the benefit of the Affordable Care Act as opposed to doing nothing or repealing. Additionally, the CBO historical budget sources I cited do not show a 45% increase in spending starting in 2009. This is misleading. It actually shows a decrease in spending in 2009 and again in 2012. Take a look at the total outlays from 2008 to 2009 when Bush was still in office. That sharp increase during the last year of the Bush administration was dramatically changed by Obama or we would have been looking at almost a straight line increase. I made all these points in the article and they still stand unless you have details that would counter the CBO, GAO, OMB and CMS.

In general, I think that Republicans have proved over the last few years of the Obama administration that they would rather make the debt worse than compromise with the Democrats. We could have had “President Obama’s full plan to slash upwards of $3 trillion from federal budget deficits over 10 years” (http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/obamas-spending-cuts-spread-pain/story?id=14560170). This is how we could have reduced the debt dramatically. I have also written about how we should have started from the Simpson-Bowles plan (http://mixermuse.com/blog/2012/06/25/simpson-bowles-revisted/). I think the days of bipartisan compromise are over and I think, no matter who gets elected, we may have to govern by ultimatum, the fiscal cliff and letting the Bush tax cuts expire. This will be very ugly and the ones yelling the loudest about spending and debt will be squealing the most when it hits. IMO, this is not the politicians fault, it is the voter’s fault – they are getting exactly what they deserve and voted for.

 

Are You Honest? Take the Test…

Here is a test to find out if you are a game player.

  1. Do you find it easier to perform anonymous actions than actions under your own authorship?
  2. Do you prefer to deal with behavior you do not like with subversive tactics or direct responses?
  3. Do you throw up smoke screens rather than speaking and acting directly in an uncomfortable situation?
  4. Have you ever had an affair with someone even though you were in a committed relationship and did not tell your significant other?
  5. Do you think it is ok to do something wrong as long as no one finds out?
  6. If someone says something to you that you do not like, do you become passive and go away?
  7. Do you feel uncomfortable defending your positions?
  8. Do you regularly feel you are superior or more intelligent and most others are inferior and less intelligent?
  9. Do you feel hypersensitive to criticism?
  10. Do you hide behind some type of self-perceived morality when you feel threatened?
  11. Was a parent in your life overly harsh, condemning and criticizing?
  12. Do you have severe feelings of insecurity?
  13. Do you harbor grudges, suspicions and negative feelings toward those that you do not like?
  14. Do you find it easier to be neutral than personal?
  15. Do you change the subject or fail to respond when criticized?
  16. Are you afraid of feeling strong emotions?

If you answered two are more questions yes then you have a problem with honesty. The lack of honesty is a lack of personal integrity. Integrity is a necessary condition for civic society.

Integrity is a concept of consistency of actions, values, methods, measures, principles, expectations, and outcomes. In ethics, integrity is regarded as the honesty and truthfulness or accuracy of one’s actions. Integrity can be regarded as the opposite of hypocrisy, in that it regards internal consistency as a virtue, and suggests that parties holding apparently conflicting values should account for the discrepancy or alter their beliefs.

The word “integrity” stems from the Latin adjective integer (whole, complete). In this context, integrity is the inner sense of “wholeness” deriving from qualities such as honesty and consistency of character. As such, one may judge that others “have integrity” to the extent that they act according to the values, beliefs and principles they claim to hold.

A value system’s abstraction depth and range of applicable interaction may also function as significant factors in identifying integrity due to their congruence or lack of congruence with observation. A value system may evolve over time while retaining integrity if those who espouse the values account for and resolve inconsistencies.

The procedures known as “integrity tests” or (more confrontationally) as “honesty tests” aim to identify prospective employees who may hide perceived negative or derogatory aspects of their past, such as a criminal conviction, psychiatric treatment or drug abuse. Identifying unsuitable candidates can save the employer from problems that might otherwise arise during their term of employment. Integrity tests make certain assumptions, specifically:

  • that persons who have “low integrity” report more dishonest behavior
  • that persons who have “low integrity” try to find reasons in order to justify such behavior
  • that persons who have “low integrity” think others more likely to commit crimes — like theft, for example. (Since people seldom sincerely declare to a prospective employers their past deviance, the “integrity” testers adopted an indirect approach: letting the work-candidates talk about what they think of the deviance of other people, considered in general, as a written answer demanded by the questions of the “integrity test”.)
  • that persons who have “low integrity” exhibit impulsive behavior
  • that persons who have “low integrity” tend to think that society should severely punish deviant behaviour (Specifically, “integrity tests” assume that people who have a history of deviance report within such tests that they support harsher measures applied to the deviance exhibited by other people.)

The claim of such tests to be able to detect “fake” answers plays a crucial role in detecting people who have low integrity. Naive respondents really believe this pretense and behave accordingly, reporting some of their past deviance and their thoughts about the deviance of others, fearing that if they do not answer truthfully their untrue answers will reveal their “low integrity”. These respondents believe that the more candid they are in their answers, the higher their “integrity score” will be. [Link]

 

It takes a certain amount of courage and self-esteem to speak and act honestly. People with low self-esteem feel threatened by confrontation. They feel anxiety and danger in exposing themselves. Honesty requires good personal boundaries and a sense of self that is not externally dependent and vulnerable to conflict. If you are dishonest you are not alone. It is estimated that 40% of people are dishonest. When dishonesty becomes chronic, a person is no longer aware of being dishonest or wrong at times. This condition keeps a person from being in their skin. A person like this is lost, lonely and unhappy in the long run. They tend to act autonomously in late stages of this condition. They leave behind a lifetime of failed relationships and really have only themselves to blame. You cannot do anything about others but you can do something about yourself. If you want a life – get a life, do the hard work of honesty!

 

Myths Exposed: President Obama is Responsible for Historic U.S. Federal Debt and Spending Levels

The far right in the U.S. has been desperately trying to convince the electorate that President Obama is spending the U.S. into oblivion and driving up the debt.

Here are the facts…

The Washington Post and Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled this chart:

This chart shows the debt directly attributed to President Bush and President Obama. Much of the recent debt came from the Bush tax cuts.

Let’s look into the debt further…

This blog post states the following:

During 20 years of the presidencies of Reagan, Bush I and Bush II, the federal debt as a share of GDP increased by a cumulative 43% of GDP. During the 4 first years of the Obama presidency, it has increased by 36% of GDP.

This is how the Presidents rank in terms of development of the Debt/GDP ratio per year of tenure:

1. Clinton -1% per year
2. Reagan, Bush II: +2% per year
3. Bush I: +3% per year
4. Obama: +9% per year.

This following data comes from this (xls) Office of Management and Budget (OMB) source:

I re-plotted the data since, you could say, I have trust issues on the internet. It is similar to the data in the post.

The following is “The Budget and Economic Outlook: Fiscal Years 2012 to 2022” from the Congressional Budget Office.

What the blog post above did not state is that the historical years since the Bush tax cuts and the recession that started prior to President Obama taking office, have been the major contributors to the rise in spending as a percentage of GDP. Also, the future years the OMB graph shows is a worst case scenario that includes the CBO Alternative Fiscal Scenario which assumes the Bush tax cuts are extended. President Obama did not create the recession, he inherited it. The Bush tax cuts were not enacted into law by President Obama. It is a lie to blame the recession and the Bush tax cuts on President Obama.

Let’s dig down a little more.

This following is historical and projected outlays from The Office and Management Budget by agency. Outlays are the total amount of money spent including authority from prior years that obligates outlays in the current year. The source data from the following charts comes from this (xls) OMB data. The data lines and the legend descriptions are in the same order. My graphics file can be downloaded here (xls). This chart shows that the Federal debt has accumulated from previous years going back to 1962.

OUTLAYS BY AGENCY: 1962–2017

(in millions of dollars)

 

This chart shows that the Federal debt has accumulated from previous years going back to 2000.

OUTLAYS BY AGENCY: 2000–2017

(in millions of dollars)

There is no huge increase in spending starting in 2009 when President Obama was inaugurated. The estimates include the Affordable Care Act. The chart shows that all the major increases in spending started ramping up more quickly in the decade of 2000. The spending is chiefly in the Department of Health and Human Services, Social Security Administration (off-budget), Department of Treasury and the Department of Defense (Military Programs). The Department of Health and Human Services increase comes chiefly from the middle class falling closer towards the federal poverty level as discussed below in more detail. The Social Security Administration increases have to do with baby boomers getting older and rising health care costs. The Treasury Department increases come basically from paying interest on the national debt by financing it with government bonds. The Department of Defense increases have to do with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the costs of gearing up for war. It is interesting to note that the U.S. spends 41% of the world’s total military expenditure. China, the next highest in the world’s total military expenditure, only spends 8.2% (see this).

The baseline scenario in the graph below shows current law and the effect of continuing certain programs that are scheduled to expire.

 

 

If you really want to raise the debt go ahead and repeal the Affordable Care Act according to the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Service (CMS) according to this publication:

 

Mandatory budget items are not optional year to year. It takes an act of Congress to change a mandated budget item. These requirements were made by Republicans and Democrats over the years. President Obama did not create the vast majority of mandatory budget requirements. The Affordable Care Act is mandatory but as already shown will lower the debt unless it is repealed. Discretionary budget items are voted on each year by Congress in 13 appropriations bills. Here is a chart showing mandatory and discretionary spending for 2010:

Mandatory and discretionary budget items are further explained in this:

Discretionary spending is provided in, and controlled by, annual appropriations acts, which fund many of the routine activities commonly associated with such federal government functions as running executive branch agencies, congressional offices and agencies, and international operations of the government.1 Essentially all spending on federal wages and salaries is discretionary.

Discretionary spending is often contrasted with mandatory, or direct, spending. Mandatory spending includes federal spending on entitlement programs, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (formerly known as the Food Stamps program), and other spending controlled by laws other than appropriation acts.3 Spending levels for mandatory programs are generally controlled by eligibility criteria and size of the eligible population.

 

Mandatory budget items have gone up for some time now as this chart shows:

 

The recession which certainly preceded President Obama has resulted in many more people qualifying for entitlement benefits. President Obama did not change qualification requirements for these programs. As more people fell towards the federal poverty level, more people have received government benefits. This is shown by the Census Bureau and an article in the Wall Street Journal:

 

All of this data supports the conclusion that President Obama has acted very responsibly in view of the economic catastrophe he inherited. The far right is spinning yet another myth.

Links for further reading:

http://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2012/05/26/number-of-the-week-half-of-u-s-lives-in-household-getting-benefits/

http://useconomy.about.com/od/fiscalpolicy/p/Mandatory.htm

http://useconomy.about.com/od/fiscalpolicy/tp/US_Federal_Budget.htm

http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/historicals/

http://useconomy.about.com/od/healthcarereform/f/Patient-Affordable-Care-Act.htm

http://useconomy.about.com/od/candidatesandtheeconomy/f/Healthcare_Reform_and_Budget.htm

http://super-economy.blogspot.com.au/2011/08/obama-hockey-stick.html

http://super-economy.blogspot.com.au/2011/12/american-federal-debt.html

http://www.cbo.gov/publication/21203

http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/adding-to-the-deficit-bush-vs-obama/2012/01/31/gIQAQ0kFgQ_graphic.html

http://www.cbpp.org/research/index.cfm?fa=topic&id=121

http://www.gao.gov/special.pubs/longterm/pdfs/spring2012_update_slides.pdf

http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/cbofiles/ftpdocs/108xx/doc10871/01-26-outlook.pdf

http://www.nytimes.com/packages/html/newsgraphics/2011/0119-budget/index.html

http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/Stories/2011/February/14/President-Obama-Proposed-HHS-Budget-2012.aspx

http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/budget/fy2012/assets/health.pdf

http://www.cms.gov/Research-Statistics-Data-and-Systems/Research/ActuarialStudies/downloads/HR3200_2009-10-21.pdf

http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=3450

http://www.cbp.org/documents/120224_CalWORKs_KeyFacts.pdf

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/08/us/welfare-limits-left-poor-adrift-as-recession-hit.html?pagewanted=all

http://www.kff.org/medicaid/upload/7985.pdf

http://www.ssa.gov/history/BudgetTreatment.html

http://www.epi.org/publication/bp156/

http://www.socialsecurity.gov/history/InternetMyths.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/13/us/politics/13health.html

http://www.usgovernmentspending.com/year_spending_2012USbn_13bs1n_3031#usgs302

http://www.globalissues.org/article/75/world-military-spending

Fundamentalism in Market Economy: The Austrian School and the Problem of Suffering

This is the next part in a series on the Austrian school of economics. The previous part is here.

Thus, when critics direct their efforts against the Austrian School they frequently do so within their own analytical framework, which is completely inadequate to accurately interpret the Austrian contributions to the science. They attack part of the theory without realizing that the various parts that make up the Austrian understanding of the market process are all interconnected within the “whole.”

There is a tendency toward the uniformity of profit and prices, both geographically and intertemporally. This tendency is interrupted by the dynamic nature of the market, due both to changing preferences and to technological progress, as well as any permanent cost inequalities, such as differences in the cost of transportation over varying distances. (Catalan, The Foremost Austrian Contribution to Economic Science, 2011)

 

The consequences of government spending can only be properly assessed within the framework of market coordination. If socialized investment is truly warranted, then the results of the investment must be better than the result that would have occurred had those same resources been economized by individuals on the market.

In other words, the government’s method of deciding on investments would either have to enjoy the same characteristics as the market’s, and the government a better entrepreneur, or the government’s method would itself have to be in some way superior. We can rule out the latter option on the grounds that we know that the only method of economic calculation is by individuals through the pricing process. Therefore, government investment is inherently inferior to free-market investment.

Individuals economize resources based on their own preferences and their own ends and based on the expected preferences of others, which are partly reflected through the price mechanism and oftentimes predicted through other means of information as well. Even producers of capital goods removed from the final consumer by one or more phases derive their profits from consumer satisfaction, since the demand for their products is decided by the entrepreneurs who are directly supplying the consumer. (Catalan, 2011)

 

It seems that in the Austrian School, there appears to be a kind of social myopia that refuses to acknowledge that the free market in its purest, non-government interventionist form could be the source of human suffering. They exhibit a kind of myopic belief that the unfettered market will best solve deficiencies which result in human suffering. The myopia comes in when the temporal aspect of the market is considered. Even if the market is the most efficient means for solving deficiencies in real need such as shelter, clothing, health care, etc. what is meant and governed by ‘efficiency’ needs to be made explicit. From my reading, the Austrian School’s notion of efficiency is thought and governed by the lowest possible market pricing. This is very reminiscent of Adam Smith:

“The price of monopoly is upon every occasion the highest that can be got. The natural price, or the price of free competition, on the contrary, is the lowest which can be taken, not upon every occasion indeed, but for any considerable time together. The one is…the highest which can be squeezed out of the buyers…The other is the lowest which the sellers can commonly afford to take…. The monopoly price is most often sustained by “the exclusive privileges of corporations (65)” (Smith, 1776)

The Austrian School believes that the government acts as a monopoly. I have yet to find writings about how that market itself can generate monopolies without government involvement as Adam Smith believed. It would be interesting to find their position on market monopolies that do not involve the government and central banking. In any case, the myopia seems to stem from their fascination with free market pricing as the lowest possible and thus, the most efficient. What is lacking when market pricing governs that equation is the temporal aspect of the pricing mechanism.

Human need is certainly addressed by pricing and availability but it is also essentially related to a critical temporal window wherein pricing and availability themselves become relevant. If pricing and availability are thought in a-temporal terms then, human need gets addressed in whatever time frame the market dictates. This time frame has no direct obligation to interim suffering and death. Of course, the point could be made that given enough suffering and death while waiting for pricing and availability to meet demand, the market would eventually answer the call. However, the gap in time to meet the need and ongoing suffering appears to have no place in market fundamentalism.

If the government is analyzed from the perspective of pure investment only, the Austrians make the point:

Overall, we can safely conclude that government spending causes more harm than good; it redistributes the means of production toward the attainment of ends considered inferior by the individuals who make up the society that government is allegedly acting to improve. (Catalan, 2011)

However, the ‘overall’ pronouncement blindly assumes that government spending is only about investment. This assumption completely leaves aside the possibility that government spending may also occur in order to address needs that the market has not yet found a pricing solution for but must be addressed immediately to stop human suffering which cannot wait. While any government spending could be analyzed as an ‘investment’ and its effects on the economy, there are clearly times when that analysis must be put aside for more immediate concerns. War is one case in which market pricing is irrelevant to action. If a war is considered just, it implies that the justification for war is to stop human suffering that cannot wait for the market to decide. It may be the suffering of non-citizens or the defense of the country which implies the suffering of citizens. In any case, war is a situation where government spending gets a reprieve from a strict market analysis. Likewise, other immediate needs that trump market analysis have traditionally been issues surrounding food, shelter and health care. In 1986 Ronald Reagan, certainly a free market Republican of sorts, enacted the Emergency Medical Treatment & Labor Act which required hospitals “to ensure public access to emergency services regardless of ability to pay”. There is no discussion here of emergency rooms waiting for the market to decide. These examples circumscribe bounds of government spending that cannot simply be constrained to a market investment analysis.

In light of pressing human needs that cannot wait for the appropriate market response, it would be really interesting to hear from the Austrians on what their solution would be. Would Austrians push their market analysis to the point that would prohibit ANY government intervention in these kinds of ‘extraneous’ issues and instead, advocate waiting for market solutions? Would their analysis allow government intervention in case of war but none other? It seems to me that the silence has always been deafening with fundamentalist free market advocates. It is like pulling teeth to get them to concede any of these exceptions. They seem to approach it like a slippery slope argument where one concession means the whole abnegation of free market capitalism. This kind of silent treatment gives the impression of unreasonableness. It looks as if they would protect market dynamics over pressing human needs. It is understandable how this myopia can be taken as a protection mechanism for those that do not have immediate needs at the cost of those that do have immediate needs. This is a very ugly portrayal that gets its life from the silence of fundamentalists, free market advocates. It seems to me that there are two possible reasons for their deafening silence. If they are pressed into silence because their answer would not even be palatable to them, they demonstrate a self-defeating ideology that can only succeed under the cover of denial, secrecy and elitism. If they lack the courage to address the issues of immediate human need at the risk of their fundamentalist, market certainty, they appear to ignore human suffering in favor of unmediated fanaticism. It seems to me that this kind of market conservatism is a definite and discrete step away from the older conservatives that would not force their ideological purity this far.

As I mentioned in the note to the last part of this series, the system of Austrian economics seems to derive its essence from a continual and circular deferral. It functions as a whole or nothing at all. Any criticism must be deflected by deferring to the whole. Its telos, its completion is never piecemeal but integral to the entire system. As mentioned at the top, “various parts that make up the Austrian understanding of the market process are all interconnected within the “whole.”” This reminds me of Hegel’s Logic where Hegel states:

Each of the parts of philosophy is a philosophical whole, a circle rounded and complete in itself. In each of these parts, however, the philosophical Idea is found in a particular specificality or medium. The single circle, because it is a real totality, bursts through the limits imposed by its special medium, and gives rise to a wider circle. The whole of philosophy in this way resembles a circle of circles. The Idea appears in each single circle, but, at the same time, the whole Idea is constituted by the system of these peculiar phases, and each is a necessary member of the organisation. (Hegel, 2010), Part 1, Section 15

Philosophy misses an advantage enjoyed by the other sciences. It cannot like them rest the existence of its objects on the natural admissions of consciousness, nor can it assume that its method of cognition, either for starting or for continuing, is one already accepted. The objects of philosophy, it is true, are upon the whole the same as those of religion. In both the object is Truth, in that supreme sense in which God and God only is the Truth. (Hegel, 2010), Part 1, Section 1

Further, the refutation must not come from outside, that is, it must not proceed from assumptions lying outside the system in question and inconsistent with it. The system need only refuse to recognise those assumptions; the defect is a defect only for him who starts from the requirements and demands based on those assumptions. (Hegel, 2010), Part 5, Section 1288

Likewise, the circular and self-correcting fundamentalist, mechanism of the Austrian, free market seems to depend on the whole that cannot be criticized individually and only on its own terms. There isn’t much daylight between this and what is commonly called ‘dogma’.

 

 

Catalan, J. M. (2011, March 31). Government Spending Is Bad Economics. Mises Daily .

Catalan, J. M. (2011, January 06). The Foremost Austrian Contribution to Economic Science. Mises Daily .

Hegel, G. (2010). Science of Logic. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Smith, A. (1776). An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. London: Methuen and Co., Ltd.

 

Fundamentalism in Market Economy: The Austrian School

This is the next part in a series on the Austrian school of economics. The previous part was here.

The previous discussion comes more from a philosophical orientation. I do believe that philosophy does not follow theoria but precedes it as a necessary and determining factor. However, a philosophical argument of this type should not stand on its own but should be obligated to demonstrate how the enactment participates in the philosophical paradigm. To this end, I will begin a series of discussions that will deal with specific Austrian economic literature and issues. This is the first of that series…

On ‘savings’ and loans Jonathan Catalan, and Austrian economist states:

Production is derived from consumer preference. The explanation of the price mechanism above, however, simply assumes that the entrepreneur commands the necessary capital to invest and meet consumer desires. It is important to bear in mind that this capital, and the capital goods (producers’ goods) that it represents, does not simply appear ex nihilo; rather, it is the product of prior accumulation (savings). Savings can only be described as consumption deferred to an unknown future point in time, allowing temporary use of said capital for investment.

What triggers the revelation of this incomplete investment, oftentimes described as “malinvestment,”[40] is a consequent rise in the price of consumer goods relative to capital goods. That capital deepening did not come at the expense of consumer demand but instead was made possible by an artificial increase in loanable funds, suggesting that the initial fall in the price of consumer goods that should have otherwise taken place did not actually occur. Consumer-goods prices will also rise as a factor of an increase in the price of labor, a product of an increase in the demand for labor as a factor of production, and as a result of a possible diminishing in the stock of capital goods, as some nonspecific goods are used in earlier stages of production. The rise in the price of consumer goods catalyzes the abrupt shortening of the structure of production, revealing a mass of malinvestment.

“The Foremost Austrian Contribution to Economic Science”, Mises Daily: Thursday, January 06, 2011 by Jonathan M. Finegold Catalan, http://mises.org/daily/4924

 

It is perfectly understandable how loans could introduce artificial price supports on the capital side. However, the juxtaposition of ‘savings’ and ‘loans’ seems a bit archaic. Most businesses today would never get off the ground with ‘savings’. If ‘savings’ are defined as “consumption deferred to an unknown future point in time, allowing temporary use of said capital for investment” then, an implied capital base for investment is assumed. However, if most capital is always in flux, not sitting around waiting to be invested, but leveraged, then debt, as loan obligation, must be thought together with the notion of capital not in opposition to ‘capital at rest’. Capital as leveraged not ‘saved’ is the functional notion of business origination. I suspect that without loans, modern business, as we know it, would not exist. Capital works for the investor by balancing the service debt of leverage with anticipated profit. If pure ‘savings’ were used for investment then the notion that loss would get more effectively communicated to consumer pricing would have merit.

However, since capital as ‘savings’ is almost always leveraged with debt obligation, there will be some compression/expansion effect on consumer pricing. If economic fundamentalism does not take this compression/expansion effect into consideration as valid modifiers of market dynamics it will get forced into a fictional regression of ‘capital at rest’. Loans and leverage are not simply correlated to central bank liquidity. The compression/expansion effect would happen apart from a central bank influence. It may be true that central banks can influence this compression/expansion effect with monetary liquidity but a simple cause and effect relationship would have to be proven empirically. While the logical case that Catalan espouses could be true, it could also be that the private market could quite handily demonstrate the same lag between capital goods and consumer pricing with the leverage effect as well. So private sector loans, capital at work, would produce the same shielding effect of capital goods and consumer pricing. This, in itself, does not indict central banking.

If the Catalan’s argument wants to establish an exaggerated and aggravated relationship to the shielding from monetary policy, a purely logical argument will not prove whether this happens in the real word. In my opinion, economics should deal with the situation at hand and not a logical, hypothetical situation that could be. If Catalan wants to make a further point that private investors would more directly suffer the effects of private malinvestment than central banks and therefore be governed more by market risk than the central bank I think this is cogent. However, central banking in the U.S. came into existence not to protect the institutional investor from risk but to protect smaller deposits in banks. Consumers make up the lion’s share of the U.S. economy. Banks leverage consumer deposits to fund institutional investors. Banks also make it possible for institutional investors to push risk down to the consumer. Therefore, when institutional investors lose from malinvestment the effects of the risk are felt primarily by the consumer not the entrepreneurial investor.

Additionally, institutional investors do not invest equally and randomly over the entire breadth of the market. Institutional investors invest more heavily in businesses and market segments with proven track records. This has a congealing effect on capital investments in less risky, more certain returns on investment. To the degree that this occurs larger businesses with larger capital resources become the instrument of new business start ups and venture capital gets diverted from unaffiliated [with larger corporations] start ups to market conglomeration dynamics. This natural pocketing of capital resists the notion that a randomized investment pattern offsets risks/loses in the market and therefore exercises the least possible negative effects on individual parts of the market making booms and busts not likely [or less likely] to occur. It is quite possible that because of market conglomeration and even more, market monopolizing, apart from central banking concerns, booms and busts would still occur and their impact might not be mediated by the idealized, random effects of the pure free market, the fundamentalist’s dream.

If the consumer could absorb loss by pushing it further down, the hypothetical lesson learned from the brute market might salvage the market fundamentalism of Catalan. However, the dynamics change when the largest investor, the consumer, is also the bedrock of the market. The Great Depression and now the Great Recession are examples of what happens when the consumer loses on the free market. When consumers recoil en masse, the market suffers a catastrophic distortion that effects the normative operation of the market to recover. True, given enough time, even if the market and government totally collapse, the market will re-spawn perhaps with different rules from a different government but the question that should come to the fore is how much human suffering and regime change are we willing to endure before a recovery takes place? This decision is not an economic decision. It is a political decision. A devout faith in market fundamentals cannot break the tendency for capital to be leveraged, institutions as the instrument of leverage to push risk down and fund itself from the consumer, market busts to occur from natural market conglomeration, and the largest investor [in terms of sourcing capital] and least able to absorb loss, the consumer, take hits that produce social suffering, upheaval and regime change. All this can happen quite independently from the central banks issue [and I think could be historically demonstrated]. The question then becomes, can central banks worsen this situation? I am not going to address the whole issue of central banks now but I will bring up a few points for consideration.

I certainly think that central banks could worsen the situation. It is also possible that as I have already discussed that even if they did not exist the situation could get worse of its own free market accord. However, I also think that central banks can soften to impact of catastrophic market failure. The central banking system is not and should not be used as an instrument of market fine tuning. However, economies do not turn on a dime. Large economies are much like large cruise ships. You cannot head full steam into a slip and expect to throw a cruise ship into reverse for a soft impact. The central bank has to look far ahead and make changes in the economy with rather crude tools to try to forestall foreboding bubbles and busts in the normative operation of the market. When the economy stalls monetary liquidity can make more money available for loans, business start up and spur consumer spending. However, when central banks follow the philosophy that if some is good more is better, inflation and deflation is the inevitable outcome. I agree, historically speaking, inflation is more likely. The market fundamentalists appear to think that central banks can only either create or grossly aggravate booms and busts in the economy. They do not seem to believe that central banks can exercise an effective governor type effect on the economy. Consider this interview with Alan Greenspan, a Republican, a professed market fundamentalist, and Brian Naylor:

BRIAN NAYLOR: The man once known as the maestro for his direction of the nation’s economy as Fed chairman sat for four long hours yesterday, watching lawmakers who once cheered his performances turn into harsh critics. Testifying before the House Oversight Committee, Greenspan didn’t down play the severity of the crisis in the nation’s markets.

Mr. ALAN GREENSPAN (Former Chairman, Federal Reserve): We are in the midst of a once-in-a-century credit tsunami. Central banks and governments are being required to take unprecedented measures.

NAYLOR: Under questioning from Democrats on the panel, Greenspan conceded he might have been, as he put it, partially wrong in not moving to regulate trading of some derivatives that are among the root causes of the credit crisis. He also admitted his free market ideology may be flawed. This exchange with committee chairman, Democrat Henry Waxman of California, verged on the metaphysical.

Representative HENRY WAXMAN (Committee Chairman, Democrat, 30th District of California): You found a flaw in the reality…

Mr. GREENSPAN: Flaw in the model that I perceived is a critical functioning structure that defines how the world works, so to speak.

Rep. WAXMAN: In other words, you found that your view of the world, your ideology was not right. It was not working.

Mr. GREENSPAN: How it – precisely. That’s precisely the reason I was shocked, because I’ve been going for 40 years or more with very considerable evidence that it was working exceptionally well.

Additionally, there are practical considerations that the purist, market fundamentalists are not adept at addressing. In particular, I will repeat some points I previously made in another post on international realities and the U.S. Federal Reserve. Whether we like it or not, believe in a ‘free-market’ or not, the reality is that almost all other countries (and the Euro political conglomerate) manipulate their currencies. They subsidize businesses and whole market segments to their advantage. If we cannot or will not play that game we will lose. We live in a world economy where such historical and simpler models such as the gold standard would put us at a huge disadvantage relative to the rest of the world. If you are playing with dirty poker players you better be up on your dirty game or you will lose the majority of the time. For this reason we need a Federal Reserve that can devalue our currency relative to other large economic powers such as the Euro and Chinese Renminbi. This makes our exports more attractive and stimulates growth in our country. The Fed has multiple functions historically but some of these like overnight deposits for local banks are not as important as they used to be and others like the ‘elasticity’ of money, the money supply available at a given time in the economy, is much more important than it used to be. The Fed has to strike a balance between putting too much money into circulation and increasing inflation or not putting enough in and driving the cost of money up with higher interest rates thereby making credit harder to come by and growth slower. The flip side of putting more money in circulation is that our currency gets devalued relative to the rest of the world and our exports are stimulated. The Fed achieves the elasticity of money through buying and selling U.S. securities from the Treasury department (which is the agency actually responsible for ‘printing’ money). If we got rid of the Fed our currency would be at the mercy of the rest of the world economic powers. Therefore, we can control our monetary destiny or hand it to over to other powerful economies. This is where the real debate over the Fed needs to be centered. For this reason, I believe we need the Fed and our central banking system. Those that would get rid of the Fed in favor of the unfettered ‘free market’ would be sacrificing the elasticity of our money supply relative to other country’s un-free market like behavior.

Theoria and Austrian Economics [from what I can see]

First, I want to state that I think vehement argument is somewhat akin to what, I have surmised, the Austrian School could have some commonality. An artifice of insular, academic jargon could be thought as a kind of intellectual credit bubble. It provides certain sheltered, intellectual framework where truths can be maintained or dismissed, careers can be made, artificial ‘bubbles’ of certainty can be maintained that would not be possible without the academic organizational structure. Interdisciplinary argument is a bit like heterogeneity of intellectuality in the ‘free market’ of ideas. When argument is stripped of rigid boundary conditions that defines various traditional paradigms (i.e., Austrian, Keynes, Freidman, Frieburg, etc.), the raw force of the argument is brought to the fore. The tendency for the argument to rely on justifications within its tradition is deemphasized as it must rely more on its own logic and empirical backing. To the degree that an academic discipline sets up its own internal language, unfalsifiable assumptions, barriers to entry and relevancy is to the same degree that it becomes a dogma and not a science (I use dogma and science here more are pure ideals or poles and not any implied designation or a particular discipline). To the degree that academic rigor becomes mesmerized with itself and encrusted in its professional (and economic) certitude is the same degree that it fails to respond to intellectual ‘market’ risk and uncertainties with agility and relevance. On a personal note, I love the free, no holds barred, market of ideas and never mean anything personal or hold personal feelings about the enterprise. I am a bit of an iconoclast and do not recognize artifice or title; only a good, backed up argument. In my opinion there are no ‘educators’ except in sophistry (i.e., paid academicians), -only better students. I am a student most of all and value learning above all no matter if I prevail or fail in the argument. I have learned most when I failed. I make no pretense to knowledge of Austrian economics. I only point out, in a rather nag fly ‘internet’ manner, the problematic issues I perceive.

It seems to me that Austrian economics is too focused on pure capital and not the underlying value dynamic (or better, referent in linguistic philosophy) of capital. To illustrate this, let’s look at this case. There is a tendency for monopolistic endeavor to initially reduce the cost of goods from consolidation, economies of scale, domination of suppliers and systemic abolition of competition through lower pricing and de facto regulation. Once a monopoly has effectively eliminated competitors, created a bubble, there is nothing to stop it from using its position to maximize profits by increasing pricing for some time, effectively regulating the market either with public or private market regulation. Private market regulation would mean prohibiting market entry by, for example, the monopolist requiring ‘compatibility certification’ (by you guessed it) or imputing any kind of standard on the market that requires monopolistic approval. This effectively sets up barriers to market entry and competition and ‘regulates’ the market by its own internally generated rules. A monopoly can effectively produce a lower expectation of cost in the market. This can artificially effect the perception of entrepreneurial investment and perceived cost of entry for production requiring consumption of monopolistically produced goods or services. Furthermore, if market entry is determined and controlled by monopolistic concerns, bubbles can result that the Austrians appear to reserve for central banking. Empirically, these kinds of monopolistic bubbles has occurred the U.S. with railroads and energy to name a few. Monopolistic entities will push risk down to their suppliers, consumers and end producers. As monopolies succeed, this will effectively shift the damage of the inevitable bust to suppliers and consumers. Monopolies effectively become economic ‘governments’. While they may dominate the market, produce the conditions for bubbles and busts, they will eventually become bloated, diluted and dispersed from sheer size. Of course, this assumes that they do not literally become the government as in a monopolistic ‘planned’ economy. It seems that making an essential distinction between private business and public ‘government’ may have some ideological underpinnings and historical, economic artifice. However, the critical dynamics that produce bubble and burst in an economy may be more effectively diagnosed from an analog continuum of small to large organizational dynamics resulting from within the organization, its environment and its market footprint. This would seem to take account of market heterogeneity better than starting with the a priori notion of ‘kind’ (as in public versus private). Certainly there are legitimate differences between public and private that should be part of an economic analysis but when unsustainable assumptions become the ‘economy’ of an intellectual enterprise, inefficient analysis becomes authorized and perhaps, other, more efficient models are dismissed. Why is it that “boom and bust” seems to be only reserved for government intervention (i.e., central banks) and dismissed entirely from the possibility of anything that could happen strictly in the private market?

Additionally, if the ‘government’ or even the central bank system is assumed to be homogenous as opposed to the heterogeny of the ‘free market’, a certain kind of over-simplification seems to prevail. The U.S. government is comprised of states each with constitutionally protected and at times, somewhat ambivalent powers from the Federal Government. The electorate also introduces much uncertainly and heterogeny into the ‘government’. The central bank is not so central. In the U.S., it is comprised of Board of Governors, the Federal Open Market Committee, twelve regional Federal Reserve Banks, and privately owned U.S. member banks with various advisory councils. However, relatively speaking, the U.S. central bank is probably more homogenous than the U.S. Government. The same could also be said of large corporations with board members, executives, management and employees. When the U.S. Government is thought as a monolith, a certain kind of “internet” thinking is imputed on its heterogeneity. These issues need to be thought in terms of the dynamics of relative size, organizational diffusion and market impact not in terms of ‘nouns’ that carry pre-understood connotations.

In contemporary philosophical terms, if the referent of capital (or value) is thought to END in adjectives like ‘free’, ‘unhindered’, ‘just’ [proper function of the] market as opposed to the ‘distorted’, ‘boom and bust’, ‘unjust’ [improper interference] market of government intervention, the referent points to nouns (‘ends’ as determinates) and not verbs. The value of capital is sustained and maintained vis-à-vis an ideal of real and artifice, free and not-free, natural market dynamic as opposed to forced and destructive market regulation, private versus public and authentic versus illegitimate. This is what contemporary philosophy refers to as a meta-language; a language that contains its own terms for what constitutes relevance and minimizes externality. To the degree that externality, the dynamic that faces us, is filtered as already understood theoria is to the same degree that market activity is NOT largely a product of emergent order. I would also add that this will always be a matter of degrees. Theoria is not optional; it is ‘seeing’. However, when it tends towards static, encrusted academic ‘job security’ it shuts down the process of emergence and replays the error of ordination. As Thomas Kuhn would suggest the received beliefs become the normal science that often suppress “fundamental novelties because they are necessarily subversive of its basic commitments”. Thus scientific revolutions are required as “tradition-shattering complements to the tradition-bound activity of normal science”. In Austrian economics I would think this could be coined as ‘boom and bust’.

Lorenzo and Marxism

This is in response to Lorenzo’s comment here concerning Marxism:

In a smaller economic system, relatively speaking more closed system, the socially necessary abstract labor time would be more closely aligned with the crude labor time. Value in a barter system would be argued between folks that were more intimately acquainted with the effort it took to create the products. If the crude labor value and the socially necessary abstract labor diverged widely then the ‘bid’ and ‘ask’ values would not create a market. To the degree that they converge is to the degree that a market is made. In capitalism where a third party is typically assumed and the ‘value’ of capital (of money) has varying degrees of severance from the crude labor required to make the product, a sort of free floating uncertainty about the variation between crude labor and socially necessary abstract labor time certainly opens the door for exploitation where value is not ever realized by the laborers, the means of production or even more, the owners of production assuming they are not the laborers. For example, the transformation of value from a house to a mortgage to mortgage backed securities to credit default swaps represent multiple opportunities for values to be reassessed, sliced and diced, to the point where the market can actually be thoroughly confused about who owns what underlying asset (or what percentage of the underlying asset). When this much flexibility is driven by market mechanisms, there is every opportunity for exploitation. Even more so, a good capitalist would not be worth their salt if they could not find a way to exploit the uncertainty in this system of value.

Health Care in Louisiana and Massachusetts-Bobby Jindal and Bill Cassidy (updated note below)

On Monday, July 2, Bill Cassidy(R), a congressional representative from Baton Rouge (LA), attacked President Obama’s Health Care Reform Act on MSNBC’s “MSNBC Live”. Thomas Roberts, the interviewer, tried to compare the Romney based health care system in Massachusetts with Louisiana’s health care system. Bill Cassidy referred to the Kaiser Family Foundation’s web site where statistics on health care are stored. Cassidy told Thomas that Massachusetts had the highest monthly premium rate in the country for health care. This is certainly true as this link from the Kaiser Family Foundation shows:

Link

However Bill has only told part of the story. Louisiana has one of the worst health care systems in the country. “Louisiana Medical News” reports:

A coalition of healthcare providers is hoping to convince the Jindal administration to use federal stimulus funds to dollars to prevent crushing Medicaid healthcare cuts.


The situation, as laid out in DHH’s report “A Road Map for a Healthier Louisiana” is this:

The state spent $7.4 billion on healthcare in 2009 but squandered the opportunity to improve people’s health, the report says. The fragmented delivery system – almost exclusively fee-for-service – resulted in uneven quality of care, inequitable access to care and unpredictable costs.

The system was designed to provide episodic and acute care not to promote and maintain health, the report says. Louisiana has to move to a system of care that will improve health outcomes and move the state from its perpetual ranking at or near the bottom of the nation’s health rankings while dealing with multi-billion dollar budget shortfalls and government downsizing.

“The Institute of Medicine (of the National Academy of Sciences), says it best,” according to the report. “The current system cannot do the job. Trying harder will not work. Changing systems of care will.”

Considerable evidence shows that managed, coordinated care can improve health outcomes and lead to savings; in some cases, the savings can be 20 percent, the report shows.

In a prepared statement, Greenstein said Louisiana has been on the predictable path to poor health outcomes and high healthcare costs for too long.

“It’s a path that we follow, guided by systems that are inefficient at best, and broken, at worst,” Greenstein said. “Without change, it will only worsen.”

Governor Jindal’s FY2012 budget states:

The FY 12 budget also preserves provider rates by incorporating $49.5 million State General Fund to cover the carryover increases in utilization costs from FY 2011 that are now part of the base needs of the Medicaid budget.

The Associated Press reports:

As the state’s Medicaid rolls continue to climb, Louisiana’s health agency will have $280 million less in this new budget year to cover the cost of care for patients.

That fact spells trouble, according to Louisiana’s health chief, physician and hospital groups.

The Medicaid budget for fiscal 2011, which began last week, stands at $6.5 billion, down from $6.78 billion for the fiscal year that ended June 30.

The budget requires reduced payments to physicians, hospitals and other health care providers for the 1.28 million residents enrolled in Medicaid, the state and federal government’s partnership that provides health care for the poor and uninsured.

The Associated Press also reports:

Louisiana’s health department is working on how to cut $859 million from the state’s Medicaid program for the poor and uninsured, stripping 11 percent of the funding for health services.


On the chopping block are charity hospitals, hospice care and Medicaid providers.

The Kaiser Family Foundation also shows these statistics on the uninsured in Louisiana:

Link

Link

The table shows that for adults 18 to 64 years old 26% of the people in Louisiana have no insurance while 6.2% do not have insurance in Massachusetts. The other table shows that for all ages 17% of the people in Louisiana are uninsured as opposed to 5% in Massachusetts.

The monthly poverty level (FPG) for a family of 3 in Louisiana is $2,933. Here is Louisiana’s Medicaid qualification requirement as a percent of the poverty level:

Non-working — 13%

Working — 20%

Medically Needy

Individual — 13%

Couple — 20%

13% of $2,933 is $381.29/month or $4,575.48/year for a family of three.

20% of $2,933 is $586.60/month or $7,039.20/year for a family of three.

Some special cases such as children or pregnant women have better qualification requirements.

In Massachusetts here are the low income guidelines for monthly premiums:

• If your income is 100% FPG or less, you do not have to pay monthly premiums.

• If your income is 150% FPG or less, you do not have to pay monthly premiums if you choose the lowest cost plan offered in your area. If you choose a higher cost plan, you will have to pay a monthly premium.

• If your income is more than 150% FPG but not more than 300% FPG, you must pay monthly premiums that depend on income, where you live, and the plan you choose.

• Everyone must pay copayments for prescription drugs.

When Bill Cassidy makes an argument based on average monthly premiums in Massachusetts he conveniently ignores the fact that Massachusetts’ premiums are income adjusted. In Louisiana they prefer to keeps large portions of their population uninsured. This is an unsustainable path for Louisiana. That cannot afford the lousy system they have.

The table below shows the increase in total spending by percent if Louisiana and Massachusetts were to cover Medicaid to 133% of the poverty line as the Health Care Reform Act requires in order to receive expanded Medicaid funding from the Federal Government:

 

Medicaid Expansion to 133% of Federal Poverty Level (FPL): Estimated Increase in Enrollment and Spending Relative to Baseline by 2019


Link

These charts clearly show that Louisiana is fighting very hard to have one of the worst health care systems in the country. The system in Louisiana is certainly on the brink of collapse as Bill Cassidy maintains. Bill Cassidy and Bobby Jindal would like to attack Romney-Care in Massachusetts which is a much better program than what Louisiana has to offer. Here is Bill Cassidy’s plan for health care in Louisiana:

•Providing greater flexibility for the use of Health Savings Accounts;

•Reforming the medical liability tort system to reduce frivolous lawsuits that drive up costs by forcing doctors to practice defensive medicine;

•Creating pooling mechanisms, like Individual Membership Associations and Association Health Plans, that provide patients greater flexibility and bargaining power;

•Providing tax credits to cover the cost of health care for low-income families;

•Allowing patients to shop for insurance across state lines;

•Providing patients who wish to opt out of federal programs (like Medicaid) vouchers to purchase private coverage;

•Allowing employers to offer discounts to incentivize participation in wellness programs; and

•Ensuring coverage for those with pre-existing conditions by strengthening high risk/reinsurance pools.

President Obama’s Health Care Reform Act already includes many of Cassidy’s ideas.(1) However, Cassidy’s plan does nothing for the uninsured and people that do not make enough money to worry about taxes. Cassidy’s Louisiana would continue to let substantial portions of people in Louisiana continue to use the emergency room for health care. This will only drive up premiums over the long term as it has in the rest of the country. Even though Louisiana has continued to cut provider reimbursement fees to attempt to make up their tremendous shortfalls, all they have really done is to demonstrate how Medicaid in Louisiana would be great if you could only find a health care professional in Louisiana that would be willing to do the work. When they make Louisiana’s problems, which they have created in Louisiana, an indictment of Massachusetts health care, they conveniently fail to acknowledge that you can find a health care professional in Massachusetts that is willing to do health care work. While criticizing Medicaid, Cassidy even seems to want Medicaid to prop up the poor health care system in Louisiana with Medicaid “vouchers”. Cassidy and Jindal can only remain silent when it comes to addressing the real problems in Louisiana because their ideology prevents them from acknowledging and effectively addressing the fundamental problems. Mitt understood this when he was governor of Massachusetts and with the Heritage Foundation crafted a program that began to acknowledge and address underlying health care problems.

Thomas Roberts should never allow politicians like Cassidy and Jindal to throw stones at Massachusetts’ health care when they live in glass houses.

—————————————————————————————————————————

(1) From the summary of the Affordable Care Act from the Kaiser Foundation:

“Providing greater flexibility for the use of Health Savings Accounts” (Bill Cassidy)

Benefit Tiers – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“Create four benefit categories of plans plus a separate catastrophic plan to be offered through the Exchange, and in the individual and small group markets:

– Bronze plan represents minimum creditable coverage and provides the essential health benefits, cover 60% of the benefit costs of the plan, with an out-of-pocket limit equal to the Health Savings Account (HSA) current law limit ($5,950 for individuals and $11,900 for families in 2010);

– Silver plan provides the essential health benefits, covers 70% of the benefit costs of the plan, with the HSA out-of-pocket limits;

– Gold plan provides the essential health benefits, covers 80% of the benefit costs of the plan, with the HSA out-of-pocket limits;

– Platinum plan provides the essential health benefits, covers 90% of the benefit costs of the plan, with the HSA out-of-pocket limits;

– Catastrophic plan available to those up to age 30 or to those who are exempt from the mandate to purchase coverage and provides catastrophic coverage only with the coverage level set at the HAS current law levels except that prevention benefits and coverage for three primary care visits would be exempt from the deductible. This plan is only available in the individual market.

• Reduce the out-of-pocket limits for those with incomes up to 400% FPL to the following levels:

– 100-200% FPL: one-third of the HSA limits ($1,983/individual and $3,967/family);

– 200-300% FPL: one-half of the HSA limits ($2,975/individual and $5,950/family);

– 300-400% FPL: two-thirds of the HSA limits ($3,987/individual and $7,973/family).

These out-of-pocket reductions are applied within the actuarial limits of the plan and will not increase the actuarial value of the plan.”

“Reforming the medical liability tort system to reduce frivolous lawsuits that drive up costs by forcing doctors to practice defensive medicine” (Bill Cassidy)

Medical Malpractice – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“Award five-year demonstration grants to states to develop, implement, and evaluate alternatives to current tort litigations. Preference will be given to states that have developed alternatives in consultation with relevant stakeholders and that have proposals that are likely to enhance patient safety by reducing medical errors and adverse events and are likely to improve access to liability insurance. (Funding appropriated for five years beginning in fiscal year 2011)”

“Creating pooling mechanisms, like Individual Membership Associations and Association Health Plans, that provide patients greater flexibility and bargaining power” (Bill Cassidy)

Creation and structure of health insurance exchanges – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“Create state-based American Health Benefit Exchanges and Small Business Health Options Program (SHOP) Exchanges, administered by a governmental agency or non-profit organization, through which individuals and small businesses with up to 100 employees can purchase qualified coverage. Permit states to allow businesses with more than 100 employees to purchase coverage in the SHOP Exchange beginning in 2017. States may form regional Exchanges or allow more than one Exchange to operate in a state as long as each Exchange serves a distinct geographic area. (Funding available to states to establish Exchanges within one year of enactment and until January 1, 2015)”

“Providing tax credits to cover the cost of health care for low-income families” (Bill Cassidy)

Tax changes related to financing health reform – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“• Increase the tax on distributions from a health savings account or an Archer MSA that are not used for qualified medical expenses to 20% (from 10% for HSAs and from 15% for Archer MSAs) of the disbursed amount. (Effective January 1, 2011)

• Limit the amount of contributions to a flexible spending account for medical expenses to $2,500 per year increased annually by the cost of living adjustment. (Effective January 1, 2013)

• Increase the threshold for the itemized deduction for unreimbursed medical expenses from 7.5% of adjusted gross income to 10% of adjusted gross income for regular tax purposes; waive the increase for individuals age 65 and older for tax years 2013 through 2016. (Effective January 1, 2013)”

Also, Small business tax credits related to financing health reform – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“• Provide small employers with no more than 25 employees and average annual wages of less than $50,000 that purchase health insurance for employees with a tax credit.

– Phase I: For tax years 2010 through 2013, provide a tax credit of up to 35% of the employer’s contribution toward the employee’s health insurance premium if the employer contributes at least 50% of the total premium cost or 50% of a benchmark premium. The full credit will be available to employers with 10 or fewer employees and average annual wages of less than $25,000. The credit phases-out as firm size and average wage increases. Tax-exempt small businesses meeting these requirements are eligible for tax credits of up to 25% of the employer’s contribution toward the employee’s health insurance premium.

– Phase II: For tax years 2014 and later, for eligible small businesses that purchase coverage through the state Exchange, provide a tax credit of up to 50% of the employer’s contribution toward the employee’s health insurance premium if the employer contributes at least 50% of the total premium cost. The credit will be available for two years. The full credit will be available to employers with 10 or fewer employees and average annual wages of less than $25,000. The credit phases-out as firm size and average wage increases. Tax-exempt small businesses meeting these requirements are eligible for tax credits of up to 35% of the employer’s contribution toward the employee’s health insurance premium.”

“Allowing patients to shop for insurance across state lines” (Bill Cassidy)

Health care choice compacts and national plans – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“Permit states to form health care choice compacts and allow insurers to sell policies in any state participating in the compact. Insurers selling policies through a compact would only be subject to the laws and regulations of the state where the policy is written or issued, except for rules pertaining to market conduct, unfair trade practices, network adequacy, and consumer protections. Compacts may only be approved if it is determined that the compact will provide coverage that is at least as comprehensive and affordable as coverage provided through the state Exchanges. (Regulations issued by July 1, 2013, compacts may not take effect before January 1, 2016)”

“Providing patients who wish to opt out of federal programs (like Medicaid) vouchers to purchase private coverage” (Bill Cassidy)

Medicaid – Affordable Care Act (from link above)…This could provide a basis for Bill Cassidy’s idea:

“Provide states with new options for offering home and community-based services through a Medicaid state plan rather than through a waiver for individuals with incomes up to 300% of the maximum SSI payment and who have a higher level of need and permit states to extend full Medicaid benefits to individual receiving home and community-based services under a state plan. (Effective October 1, 2010)”

“Allowing employers to offer discounts to incentivize participation in wellness programs” (Bill Cassidy)

Wellness programs – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“• Provide grants for up to five years to small employers that establish wellness programs. (Funds appropriated for five years beginning in fiscal year 2011)

• Provide technical assistance and other resources to evaluate employer-based wellness programs. Conduct a national worksite health policies and programs survey to assess employer-based health policies and programs. (Conduct study within two years following enactment)

• Permit employers to offer employees rewards—in the form of premium discounts, waivers of costsharing requirements, or benefits that would otherwise not be provided—of up to 30% of the cost of coverage for participating in a wellness program and meeting certain health-related standards. Employers must offer an alternative standard for individuals for whom it is unreasonably difficult or inadvisable to meet the standard. The reward limit may be increased to 50% of the cost of coverage if deemed appropriate. (Effective January 1, 2014) Establish 10-state pilot programs by July 2014 to permit participating states to apply similar rewards for participating in wellness programs in the individual market and expand demonstrations in 2017 if effective. Require a report on the effectiveness and impact of wellness programs. (Report due three years following enactment)”

“Ensuring coverage for those with pre-existing conditions by strengthening high risk/reinsurance pools” (Bill Cassidy)

Temporary high risk pools – Affordable Care Act (from link above):

“• Establish a temporary national high-risk pool to provide health coverage to individuals with pre-existing medical conditions. U.S. citizens and legal immigrants who have a pre-existing medical condition and who have been uninsured for at least six months will be eligible to enroll in the high-risk pool and receive subsidized premiums. Premiums for the pool will be established for a standard population and may vary by no more than 4 to 1 due to age; maximum cost-sharing will be limited to the current law HSA limit ($5,950/individual and $11,900/family in 2010). Appropriate $5 billion to finance the program. (Effective within 90 days of enactment until January 1, 2014)”

This clearly shows that every point Bill Cassidy brings up is already addressed. It is almost as if part of the Act was written in response to Bill Cassidy’s recommendations. Yet, Bill Cassidy vehemently opposes the Affordable Care Act. The new Republicans could have done what the older Republicans did and fashion the bill even more in the direction they wanted. Instead, they made a political issue out of it and refused to work with the Democrats. Democracy cannot work with this kind of ideologically based inflexibility. Voters would do well to vote for politicians that produce results not rhetoric.